911 resultados para Brazilian Foreign Policy Analysis
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The Brazilian legislation requires analysis of certain parameters to classify a wine and allow its commercialization. Some physico-chemical and some color parameters were determined in this work in samples of different red wines sold in the metropolitan area of Recife. Multivariate analysis comprising principal component analysis and hierarchical cluster analysis was employed to distinguish the analyzed wines. The results for pH, chloride concentration, color parameters and ammonium content were the most important variables for sample classification. It was also possible to classify the wines as soft or dry wines and amongst the soft wines we could determine two out of four winegrowing producers.
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Kirjallisuusarvostelu
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AbstractIn the beginning of the 19th century, Portugal received from Brazil several barks that were used as cure for fevers for the purpose of chemical analysis. These analyses were intended to determine the principle compositional components responsible for the febrifuge power of these barks. At the University of Coimbra, the samples were analyzed under the supervision of Thomé Rodrigues Sobral, the Director of the university's Chemical Laboratory. In the interpretation of the obtained results, Sobral put forward his own ideas about the febrifuge principles of the analyzed barks in relation to their chemical composition. Here, we refer to both Rodrigues Sobral's reported results and his ideas about the febrifuge principle.
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Kirjallisuusarvostelu
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Kirjallisuusarvostelu
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Japan has been a major actor in the field of development cooperation for five decades, even holding the title of largest donor of Official Development Assistance (ODA) during the 1990s. Financial flows, however, are subject to pre-existing paradigms that dictate both donor and recipient behaviour. In this respect Japan has been left wanting for more recognition. The dominance of the so called ‘Washington Consensus’ embodied in the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank has long circumvented any indigenous approaches to development problems. The Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) is a development cooperation conference that Japan has hosted since 1993 every five years. As the main organizer of the conference Japan has opted for the leading position of African development. This has come in the wake of success in the Asian region where Japan has called attention to its role in the so called ‘Asian Miracle’ of fast growing economies. These aspirations have enabled Japan to try asserting itself as a major player in directing the course of global development discourse using historical narratives from both Asia and Africa. Over the years TICAD has evolved into a continuous process with ministerial and follow-up meetings in between conferences. Each conference has produced a declaration that stipulates the way the participants approach the question of African development. Although a multilateral framework, Japan has over the years made its presence more and more felt within the process. This research examines the way Japan approaches the paradigms of international development cooperation and tries to direct them in the context of the TICAD process. Supplementing these questions are inquiries concerning Japan’s foreign policy aspirations. The research shows that Japan has utilized the conference platform to contest other development actors and especially the dominant forces of the IMF and the World Bank in development discourse debate. Japan’s dominance of the process is evident in the narratives found in the conference documents. Relative success has come about by remaining consistent as shown by the acceptance of items from the TICAD agenda in other forums, such as the G8. But the emergence of new players such as China has changed the playing field, as they are engaging other developing countries from a more equal level.
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This paper aims to analyze the elements of continuity and discontinuity in American foreign policy from the nineties. In this regard, it emphasizes the importance of financial issues within the scope of the U.S. government strategies for foreign integration and tries to analyze comparatively the Republicans and Democrats government of the period, ending with some prospective questions concerning the Democratic government of President Obama in the context of international economic crisis.
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Fifteen years of monetary rigidity in Brazil after the Real Plan: a research agenda.The paper makes a review of literature and a research agenda on the anomaly of Brazilian monetary policy. Following a retrospect of the first 15 years after the Real Plan, there is a review of studies aiming to explain the high real interest rate. None of the summarized theses can completely explain the phenomenon. The main research opportunities are: deepening of empirical evidence of monetary policy efficacy loss; improvement in mensuration of its inefficacy; and improvement of alternative instruments to control inflation. The field of political economy is also fertile. One should assess the relevance of oligopolies as an explaining factor of persistence of high inflation.
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The return of the Porkkala naval base, which was leased to the Soviet Union at the end of World War II was unexpectedly returned in early 1956, 42 years before the USSR's lease on the area was to expire. There is no commonly accepted reason, and therefore the purpose of this work is to study the possible motives behind the return of Porkkala. These seem to have been reflected in the new foreign policy after the death of Stalin, which went far beyond returning Porkkala to Finland. The Soviet Union's courting of the non-aligned powers during this time, into which category Finland was assigned, also seems to be more than coincidence. However, the greater events of 1956, and the fact that Porkkala is remembered almost exclusively in Finland may have conspired to trap the events around Porkkala into the smaller narrative of Finnish-Soviet relations and the rise of Kekkonen to the presidency, due in no small part to his presence in negotiating the return of Porkkala. However this does not negate the message that Porkkala was intended to broadcast the USSR's new approach to neutrality. Through primary and secondary sources, gleaned from archives in Finland, memoirs of people involved, and historical literature, this thesis hopes to broaden the view that Porkkala's main and only significance lay in the changes it brought to Finnish-Soviet relations.
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This study focuses on teacher practices in publicly funded music schools in Finland. As views on the aims of music education change and broaden, music schools across Europe share the challenge of developing their activities in response. In public and scholarly debate, there have been calls for increased diversity of contents and concepts of teaching. In Finland, the official national curriculum for state-funded music schools builds on the ideal that teaching and learning should create conditions which promote ‘a good relationship to music’. The meaning of this concept has been deliberately left open in order to leave room for dialogue, flexibility, and teacher autonomy. Since what is meant by ‘good’ is not defined in advance, the notion of ‘improving’ practices is also open to discussion. The purpose of the study is to examine these issues from teachers’ point of view by asking what music school teachers aim to accomplish as they develop their practices. Methodologically, the study introduces a suggestion for building empirical research on Alperson’s ‘robust’ praxial approach to music education, a philosophical theory which is strongly committed to practitioner perspectives and musical diversity. A systematic method for analysing music education practices, interpretive practice analysis, is elaborated with support from interpretive research methods originally used in policy analysis. In addition, the research design shows how reflecting conversations (a collaborative approach well-known in Nordic social work) can be fruitfully applied in interpretive research and combined with teacher inquiry. Data have been generated in a collaborative project involving five experienced music school teachers and the researcher. The empirical material includes transcripts from group conversations, data from teacher inquiry conducted within the project, and transcripts from follow-up interviews. The teachers’ aspirations can be understood as strivings to reinforce the connection between musical practices and various forms of human flourishing such that music and flourishing can sustain each other. Examples from their practices show how the word ‘good’ receives its meaning in context. Central among the teachers’ concerns is their hope that students develop a free and sustainable interest in music, often described as inspiration. I propose that ‘good relationships to music’ and ‘inspiration’ can be understood as philosophical mediators which support the transition from an indeterminate ‘interest in music’ towards specific ways in which music can become a (co-)constitutive part of living well in each person’s particular circumstances. Different musical practices emphasise different aspects of what is considered important in music and in human life. Music school teachers consciously balance between a variety of such values. They also make efforts to resist pressure which might threaten the goods they think are most important. Such goods include joy, participation, perseverance, solid musical skills related to specific practices, and a strong sense of vitality. The insights from this study suggest that when teachers are able to create inspiration, they seem to do so by performing complex work which combines musical and educational aims and makes general positive contributions to their students’ lives. Ensuring that teaching and learning in music schools remain as constructive and meaningful as possible for both students and teachers is a demanding task. The study indicates that collaborative, reflective and interdisciplinary work may be helpful as support for development processes on both individual and collective levels of music school teacher practices.
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Consistent with the governance shift towards network forms of governance, a number of new social movements have formed in response to the declining levels of physical activity in the Western world. One such movement is Active Canada 20/20: A Physical Activity Strategy and Change Agenda for Canada. Network governance is employed as the theoretical framework for this case study exploration of Active Canada 20/20 and the political landscape surrounding its development and implementation. Semi-structured interviews were conducted in addition to document/policy analysis and direct observations. Analysis of the data resulted in three overarching themes – the defining characteristics of network governance, the political landscape, and intersectoral linkages – that interconnect multifariously based the nature of the Canadian federal government and its relationship with the voluntary sector for physical activity. Despite progress in driving Active Canada 20/20 forward, entrenched dynamics of power need to be navigated within the political landscape surrounding network governance.
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La guerre franco-prussienne (ou franco-allemande) de 1870-71 fut un conflit majeur dont l’issue changea considérablement l’équilibre des puissances en Europe avec notamment l’émergence de l’Empire allemand. Pourtant, elle a été oubliée. Bien que depuis la fin du XIXe siècle, elle fut largement traitée par l’historiographie, la question des responsabilités relativement à son déclenchement demeure un sujet de débat. Tandis que certains historiens estiment que cette guerre fut sciemment provoquée par Bismarck afin de parachever l’unification allemande, d’autres croient que la responsabilité est partagée et que ce conflit était tout simplement inévitable dans le contexte du refroidissement des rapports franco-allemands depuis la défaite autrichienne de Königgrätz (Sadowa). Le présent mémoire entend se dissocier de ces interprétations en jetant un nouveau regard sur le rôle joué par Bismarck lors des « préliminaires » (Vorgeschichte) de 1870. En s’appuyant sur des sources primaires ainsi que sur ce que les historiographies allemande, française et anglo-saxonne nous apprennent, il sera démontré premièrement que la candidature Hohenzollern pour le trône d’Espagne n’a pas été « fabriquée » volontairement par le chef de la diplomatie prussienne afin de compléter l’unification allemande, mais qu’elle fut promue d’abord et avant tout pour des considérations de prestige politique. Deuxièmement, la fameuse dépêche d’Ems modifiée par Bismarck ne peut être considérée comme l’élément déclencheur de ce conflit, car la décision d’aller en guerre fut prise à Paris avant que les effets de la dépêche ne se fassent sentir. Enfin, par son besoin d’un succès politico-diplomatique qui aurait consolidé le Second Empire en faisant oublier les reculades antérieures, par son refus de se satisfaire du retrait de la candidature Hohenzollern et par les erreurs de sa politique étrangère en général, la France a adopté une position belliqueuse et s’est retrouvée seule dans une guerre qu’elle n’avait su ni prévenir, ni préparer. L’enjeu à Paris n’était finalement pas le règlement pacifique des différends avec la Prusse, mais la pérennisation de la prépondérance française sur le continent européen.
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Résumé: Au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre Mondiale, la nécessité de moderniser la politique d’immigration américaine fait l’unanimité, la principale loi régissant l’immigration datant de 1924. Cependant, la question des paramètres de la réforme fait naître un débat fortement polarisé. Les défenseurs du statu quo, qui souhaitent maintenir le système des quotas nationaux faisant de l’origine nationale le premier critère d’admission, auront initialement le dessus, comme en fait foi le passage du McCarran-Walter Act en 1952. D’autre part, les partisans d’une libéralisation affirment que cette loi restrictive et discriminatoire va à l’encontre des objectifs de la politique étrangère américaine, particulièrement dans un conflit aussi idéologiquement chargé que la Guerre Froide. Au courant des années cinquante et au début des années soixante, les réformateurs libéraux auront progressivement le dessus dans le débat, si bien qu’une nouvelle loi sera adoptée en 1965. Ce mémoire propose d’aborder cette période de réforme sous l’angle de l’opinion publique. À partir, des sources permettant de prendre le pouls de la société américaine au sujet de la politique d’immigration, il a été possible d’observer une libéralisation progressive de l’opinion publique durant la période. Dans le cadre de ce mémoire, l’interprétation de cette évolution est centrée sur l’influence grandissante des enjeux de la Guerre Froide dans le débat entourant la réforme.