941 resultados para Administrative and political divisions.


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A participação social no Brasil evoluiu de movimento operário e de sindicatos, culminando na institucionalização através de Conselhos. Na área da saúde, foi legalizada pela Lei 8142/90. O objetivo deste estudo é conhecer a prática do controle social exercida em Conselhos de Unidades e sua influência nas políticas de saúde do município de Campo Grande, MS. Foram feitos cinco estudos de caso, tendo como fonte principal as atas de reuniões e como referencial de análise um documento do Ilpes/Claps (1975). Os Conselhos organizam-se em plenário, com coordenador, secretário, composição hoje paritária, representatividade reduzida e periodicidade mensal. O processo decisório contempla principalmente elementos técnico-administrativos e técnico-operacionais. No período 1998-2002, o controle social fortaleceu-se por encaminhamentos mais concretos, mas a capacidade de deliberação precisa ser fortalecida por uma capacitação que inclua elementos técnicos, políticos e administrativos, representatividade, fortalecimento da cidadania, divulgação intensa das atividades dos Conselhos, inclusive na mídia, maior mobilização social e articulação entre os vários Conselhos e instâncias municipais que fazem interface com o setor de saúde.

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This is a draft for a chapter of the book version of my Ph.D thesis. The chapter addresses the following question: Are the creative processes of musical composers and academic economists essentially the same, or are there significant differences? The paper finds that there are deep similarities between the creative processes of theoretical economists and the creative processes of artists. The chapter builds a process oriented lifecycle account of creative activity, drawing on testimonial material from the arts and the sciences, and relates the model to the creative work of economists developing economic theory.

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Centuries after Locke asserted the importance of memory to identity, Freudian psychology argued that what was forgotten was of equal importance as to what was remembered. The closing decades of the nineteenth century saw a rising interest in the nature of forgetting, resulting in a reassessment and newfound distrust of the long revered faculty of memory. The relationship between memory and identity was inverted, seeing forgetting also become a means for forging identity. This newfound distrust of memory manifested in the writings of Nietzsche who in 1874 called for society to learn to feel unhistorically and distance itself from the past - in what was essentially tantamount to a cultural forgetting. Following the Nietzschean call, the architecture of Modernism was also compelled by the need to 'overcome' the limits imposed by history. This paper examines notions of identity through the shifting boundaries of remembering and forgetting, with particular reference to the construction of Brazilian identity through the ‘repression’ of history and memory in the design of the Brazilian capital. Designed as a forward-looking modernist utopia, transcending the limits imposed by the country's colonial heritage, the design for Brasilia exploited the anti-historicist agenda of modernism to emancipate the country from cultural and political associations with the Portuguese Empire. This paper examines the relationship between place, memory and forgetting through a discussion of the design for Brasilia.

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Except for a few large scale projects, language planners have tended to talk and argue among themselves rather than to see language policy development as an inherently political process. A comparison with a social policy example, taken from the United States, suggests that it is important to understand the problem and to develop solutions in the context of the political process, as this is where decisions will ultimately be made.

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This article compares fisheries management, environmental problems and policies of the Netherlands and Australia. From this comparison lessons can be learned for countries that experience economic growth and on increase of leisure activity. In both countries, conflicts between the user groups, e.g. commercial and recreational fishers, are identified and the ways in which policymakers deal with these problems are outlined. Often suggested tools to address these problems are decision-making procedures based on a holistic framework in which economic, sociocultural, political/institutional, ecological aspects are included in the decision framework. Recreational fishing is today often the dominant factor in the resolution of these matters because of the relative economic, social and political power of recreational fishers as a group.

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Every day trillions of dollars circulate the globe in a digital data space and new forms of property and ownership emerge. Massive corporate entities with a global reach are formed and disappear with breathtaking speed, making and breaking personal fortunes the size of which defy imagination. Fictitious commodities abound. The genomes of entire nations have become corporately owned. Relationships have become the overt basis of economic wealth and political power. Hypercapitalism explores the problems of understanding this emergent form of global political economic organization by focusing on the internal relations between language, new media networks, and social perceptions of value. Taking an historical approach informed by Marx, Phil Graham draws upon writings in political economy, media studies, sociolinguistics, anthropology, and critical social science to understand the development, roots, and trajectory of the global system in which every possible aspect of human existence, including imagined futures, has become a commodity form.

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This paper examines the role of the Canberra Commission in terms of consolidating and influencing the agenda on international negotiations towards the elimination of nuclear weapons. The Commission's Report is significant for two main reasons. First, it represents a unique form of disarmament diplomacy by the Australian Government which combined the post-Cold War international climate of security cooperation with the foreign policy aspirations of an activist middle power. Second, the Report refutes the strategic, technological and political arguments against nuclear elimination in a comprehensive and convincing manner, arguing that without elimination, the world faces increased threats of nuclear proliferation and nuclear terrorism. This paper thus concludes that the Canberra Commission has been instrumental in strengthening the taboo against the possession, testing or use of nuclear weapons.

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Australia struggles to achieve economic competitiveness, prevent expansion of the trade deficit and develop value-added production despite applications of policy strategies from protectionism to trade liberalisation. This article argues that these problems were emerging at the turn of the century, and that an investigation of music technology manufacturing in the first two decades of this century reveals fundamental problems in the conduct of relevant policy analysis. Analysis has focused on the trade or technology gap which is only symptomatic of an underlying knowledge gap. The article calls for a knowledge policy approach which can allow protection without the negative effects of isolation from global markets and without having to resort to unworkable utopian free-trade dogma. A shift of focus from a 'goods traded' view to a knowledge transaction (or diffusion) perspective is advocated.

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OBJECTIVE: To compare the HIV/AIDS epidemics in Australia and sub-Saharan Africa, to outline reasons for differences, and to consider implications for the Asia and Pacific region. METHODS: Comparison of key indicators of the epidemic in Australia, and Africa viewed largely through the experience of the Hlabisa health district, South Africa. RESULTS: To the end of 1997, for all Australia, the estimated cumulative number of HIV infections was approximately 19,000, whereas in Hlabisa 31,000 infections are estimated to have occurred. Compared with the low and declining incidence of HIV in Australia (<1%), estimated incidence in Hlabisa rose to 10% in 1997. In all, 94% of Australian infections have been amongst men; in Hlabisa equal numbers of males and females are infected. Consequently, whereas 3000 children were perinatally exposed to HIV in Hlabisa in 1998 alone, 160 Australian children have been exposed this way. In Australia, HIV-related disease is characterised by opportunistic infection whereas in Hlabisa tuberculosis and wasting dominate. Surveys among gay men in Sydney and Melbourne indicate >80% of HIV infected people receive antiretroviral therapy whereas in Hlabisa these drugs are not available. IMPLICATIONS: It seems possible that Asia and the Pacific will experience a similar HIV/AIDS epidemic to that in Africa. Levels of HIV are already high in parts of Asia, and social conditions in parts of the region might be considered ripe for the spread of HIV. As Australia strengthens economic and political ties within the region, so should more be done to help Pacific and Asian neighbours to prevent and respond to the HIV epidemic.

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This article aims to identify the main and interaction effects of two country-level variables, namely national distance and country risk, on the survival of international joint ventures in emerging markets. Research hypotheses predicting the negative impact of national distance and country risk on survival of international joint ventures are formulated in this article. These research hypotheses are examined in a sample of 234 international joint ventures formed in Brazil between 1973 and 2004. These international joint ventures were subjected to an event history analysis over a period of time ranging from 1973 to 2006. The empirical results show that large national cultural differences between local and foreign partners increase the instability of international joint ventures, whereas the survival of these alliances does not seem to be affected either by the economic and political uncertainty of Brazil. Furthermore, the national distance between local and foreign partners has effects on survival that are variable according to the life cycle of international joint ventures. (C) 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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The debate on public sociology is spreading in Brazil, a country potentially responsive to Burawoy`s proposals for two reasons: as one of the most unequal countries on the planet, Brazil offers much historical material for reflexive and socially engaged sociology to bring to the non-academic public; and Brazil has a critical and militant sociology that strongly interacts with public sociology. This article provides a `different` reading, through the lens of public sociology of the intellectual and political course of two representatives of this critical and militant sociology: Florestan Fernandes and Francisco de Oliveira.

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In 1966 the Brazilian physicist Klaus Tausk (b. 1927) circulated a preprint from the International Centre for Theoretical Physics in Trieste, Italy, criticizing Adriana Daneri, Angelo Loinger, and Giovanni Maria Prosperi`s theory of 1962 on the measurement problem in quantum mechanics. A heated controversy ensued between two opposing camps within the orthodox interpretation of quantum theory, represented by Leon Rosenfeld and Eugene P. Wigner. The controversy went well beyond the strictly scientific issues, however, reflecting philosophical and political commitments within the context of the Cold War, the relationship between science in developed and Third World countries, the importance of social skills, and personal idiosyncrasies.

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For the past half a century, Latin American scholars have been pointing toward the emergence of new social actors as agents of social and political democratization. The first wave of actors was characterized by the emergence of novel agents-mainly, new popular movements-of social transformation. At first, the second wave, epitomized by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), was celebrated as the upsurge of a new civil society, but later on, it was the target of harsh criticism. The literature often portrays this development in Latin American civil society as a displacement trend of actors of the first wave by the second wave-""NGOization""-""and even denounces new civil society as rootless, depoliticized, and functional to retrenchment. Thus, supposedly, NGOization encumbers social change. The authors argue that NGOization diagnosis is a flawed depiction of change within civil society. Rather than NGOization related to the depoliticization and neoliberalization of civil society, in Mexico City and Sao Paulo, there has been modernization of organizational ecologies, changes in the functional status of civil society, and interestingly, specialization aimed at shaping public agenda. The authors argue that such specialization, instead of encumbering social change, brings about different repertoires of strategies and skills purposively developed for influencing policy and politics. Their argument relies on comparative systematic evidence. Through network analysis, they examine the organizational ecology of civil society in Mexico City and Sao Paulo.