Modernizing Mount Royal Park : Montréal’s Jungle in the 1950s

Durant les années 1950, les autorités municipales, sous la pression du département de la police, ont demandé le déboisement d’une section du parc du Mont-Royal. Cette section, communément appelée la « Jungle » et principalement composée de broussailles, de buissons et d’arbres, était fréquentée par une clientèle considérée comme indésirable. Cette dernière comprenait, essentiellement, des alcooliques, des voyous, des pervers, et, surtout, des homosexuels. Leur éradication s’est alors déployée selon un plan en trois étapes qui avait pour objectif de simplifier les techniques de surveillance utilisées par le département de la police. D’abord, une augmentation de l’éclairage, puis, le déboisement de la « Jungle », et, finalement, la construction d’une route, aujourd’hui connue sous le nom de Camillien-Houde. Le parc devenait ainsi plus accessible et plus sécuritaire. Les coupes, que l’on a appelées les « coupes de la moralité », ont eu un effet considérable sur l’environnement et la composition écologique du parc, donnant, entre autres, aux Montréalais, l’impression que le parc était devenu chauve (ce qui lui conféra d’ailleurs le surnom de Mont Chauve). Les transformations du parc du Mont-Royal n’étaient cependant pas limitées à sa Jungle. En fait, des modifications furent aussi mises en application dans d’autres sections considérées comme sous-développées. La métamorphose du parc et de sa « Jungle » était un acte de développement caractéristique de l’ère moderniste de la planification du Montréal d’après-guerre. La re-planification du parc du Mont-Royal témoigne ainsi d’une volonté sans bornes des autorités d’instaurer la moralité et la modernité dans la ville, volonté qui aura pour conséquence d’altérer la composition écologique du parc. C’est ce qui sera à l’origine d’une campagne nommée « Save-the-Mountain Movement », qui a cherché à empêcher la modernisation de l’espace et milité pour la réhabilitation du parc en tant que boisé paisible.

Modernizing Mount Royal Park : Montréal’s Jungle in the 1950s

Durant les années 1950, les autorités municipales, sous la pression du département de la police, ont demandé le déboisement d’une section du parc du Mont-Royal. Cette section, communément appelée la « Jungle » et principalement composée de broussailles, de buissons et d’arbres, était fréquentée par une clientèle considérée comme indésirable. Cette dernière comprenait, essentiellement, des alcooliques, des voyous, des pervers, et, surtout, des homosexuels. Leur éradication s’est alors déployée selon un plan en trois étapes qui avait pour objectif de simplifier les techniques de surveillance utilisées par le département de la police. D’abord, une augmentation de l’éclairage, puis, le déboisement de la « Jungle », et, finalement, la construction d’une route, aujourd’hui connue sous le nom de Camillien-Houde. Le parc devenait ainsi plus accessible et plus sécuritaire. Les coupes, que l’on a appelées les « coupes de la moralité », ont eu un effet considérable sur l’environnement et la composition écologique du parc, donnant, entre autres, aux Montréalais, l’impression que le parc était devenu chauve (ce qui lui conféra d’ailleurs le surnom de Mont Chauve). Les transformations du parc du Mont-Royal n’étaient cependant pas limitées à sa Jungle. En fait, des modifications furent aussi mises en application dans d’autres sections considérées comme sous-développées. La métamorphose du parc et de sa « Jungle » était un acte de développement caractéristique de l’ère moderniste de la planification du Montréal d’après-guerre. La re-planification du parc du Mont-Royal témoigne ainsi d’une volonté sans bornes des autorités d’instaurer la moralité et la modernité dans la ville, volonté qui aura pour conséquence d’altérer la composition écologique du parc. C’est ce qui sera à l’origine d’une campagne nommée « Save-the-Mountain Movement », qui a cherché à empêcher la modernisation de l’espace et milité pour la réhabilitation du parc en tant que boisé paisible.

Consecuencias literarias del 11-S: la representación de la violencia en la novela angloamericana

In my eight years as a professional journalist, I have been a front line observer of the extreme level of violence which occurs everyday in our society. As victims, consumers or perpetrators of violence, this phenomenon is now a part of our existence. As a reporter for the Spanish national newspaper El País I have been witness to the most terrible acts of violence. In Venezuela, with one of the highest rates of criminality in the world, I saw piles of bodies stacked up in mortuaries. In Argentina, I reported on the most brutal crimes including the rape of children by policemen. I believe that my interest in the manifestations and causes of violence was aroused during my time as a journalist. On a personal level, I was deeply affected by the twin poles of attraction/repulsion which the violent images produced in me. The first time I visited New York in 2003, I talked to various people who were selling photos of the victims of the Twin Tower attacks. They had laid out their wares along the wire fence that separated Ground Zero from the main public areas. One particular photograph made an indelible impression on my mind: a ghost like corpse covered in white dust which was streaked with blood. It is an image I will never forget. If I remember well, a complete album of these gruesome images cost about ten dollars. At the same time, I also became interested in islamic terrorism: its complexity and the great impact it has made on Western society. One only has to look at the front page of the press around the world to read about war, terrorism or the constant violation of human rights. The words Al-Qaeda, Daesh, Boko Haram and Islamic State have sadly become parts of our everyday language. The nihilistic philosophy which promisess eternal life in exchange for self-inmolation is a new, highly worrying reality, especially painful when it involves young people who become indoctrinated through the social media. They have become the most loyal supporters of a fanatical and uncompromising version of Islam. The stark reality is that these young recruits to Jihad (holy war) were born in places like London, Paris, Rome or Madrid...

18th. ANNUAL REPORT

The South Carolina Public Service Authority makes annual reports to the Advisory Board, reports are submitted to the General Assembly by the Governor, in which full information as to all of the Acts of said Board of Directors shall be given, together with financial statement and full information as to the work of the Authority.

Annual Report for the Fiscal Year Ended June 30th. 1954

The South Carolina Public Service Authority makes annual reports to the Advisory Board, reports are submitted to the General Assembly by the Governor, in which full information as to all of the Acts of said Board of Directors shall be given, together with financial statement and full information as to the work of the Authority.

ANNUAL REPORT FOR THE FISCAL YEAR ENDED JUNE 30 1955

The South Carolina Public Service Authority makes annual reports to the Advisory Board, reports are submitted to the General Assembly by the Governor, in which full information as to all of the Acts of said Board of Directors shall be given, together with financial statement and full information as to the work of the Authority.

ANNUAL REPORT FOR THE FISCAL YEAR ENDED JUNE 30 1956

The South Carolina Public Service Authority makes annual reports to the Advisory Board, reports are submitted to the General Assembly by the Governor, in which full information as to all of the Acts of said Board of Directors shall be given, together with financial statement and full information as to the work of the Authority.

ANNUAL REPORT FOR THE FISCAL YEAR ENDED JUNE 30 1957

The South Carolina Public Service Authority makes annual reports to the Advisory Board, reports are submitted to the General Assembly by the Governor, in which full information as to all of the Acts of said Board of Directors shall be given, together with financial statement and full information as to the work of the Authority.

South Carolina PUBLIC SERVICE AUTHORITY 23rd. ANNUAL REPORT

The South Carolina Public Service Authority makes annual reports to the Advisory Board, reports are submitted to the General Assembly by the Governor, in which full information as to all of the Acts of said Board of Directors shall be given, together with financial statement and full information as to the work of the Authority.

24th. Annual Report FOR THE FISCAL YEAR ENDED JUNE 30-1959

The South Carolina Public Service Authority makes annual reports to the Advisory Board, reports are submitted to the General Assembly by the Governor, in which full information as to all of the Acts of said Board of Directors shall be given, together with financial statement and full information as to the work of the Authority.

25th. ANNUAL REPORT FISCAL YEAR ENDING JUNE 30th. 1960

The South Carolina Public Service Authority makes annual reports to the Advisory Board, reports are submitted to the General Assembly by the Governor, in which full information as to all of the Acts of said Board of Directors shall be given, together with financial statement and full information as to the work of the Authority.

26th. Annual Report FISCAL YEAR ENDING JUNE 30th. 1961

The South Carolina Public Service Authority makes annual reports to the Advisory Board, reports are submitted to the General Assembly by the Governor, in which full information as to all of the Acts of said Board of Directors shall be given, together with financial statement and full information as to the work of the Authority.

27th Annual Report Fiscal Year ending June 30th 1962

The South Carolina Public Service Authority makes annual reports to the Advisory Board, reports are submitted to the General Assembly by the Governor, in which full information as to all of the Acts of said Board of Directors shall be given, together with financial statement and full information as to the work of the Authority.

28th. Annual Report For the Fiscal Year ended June 30th. 1963

The South Carolina Public Service Authority makes annual reports to the Advisory Board, reports are submitted to the General Assembly by the Governor, in which full information as to all of the Acts of said Board of Directors shall be given, together with financial statement and full information as to the work of the Authority.

29th Annual Report - June 30, 1964

The South Carolina Public Service Authority makes annual reports to the Advisory Board, reports are submitted to the General Assembly by the Governor, in which full information as to all of the Acts of said Board of Directors shall be given, together with financial statement and full information as to the work of the Authority.