Developing a social work curriculum on political conflict – Findings from an IASSW funded project

This paper presents the findings from an innovative project funded by the
International Association of Schools of Social Work (IASSW) and undertaken by
an international team of academics investigating the development of a global
curriculum for social work in the context of political conflict. Coupled alongside
the emerging research and literature on the subject, our small-scale survey
findings indicate support for the need for social work educators to address
political conflict more systematically within social work curricula at both
undergraduate and post-qualifying levels of social work education. The paper
illuminates the opportunities for creative pedagogy whilst also examining the
threats and challenges permeating the realisation of such initiatives. In this way,
the implementation of a proposed curriculum for political conflict is given meaning within the context of IASSW’s Global Standards for social work education. Given the exploratory nature of this project, the authors do conclude that further research is warranted in regard to potential curriculum development and suggest using a comparative case study approach with more in-depth qualitative methods as a way to address this.

The Bright Side of Manufacturing–Remanufacturing Conflict in a Decentralised Closed-Loop Supply Chain

Researchers and managers broadly agree that original equipment manufacturers (OEMs), which have opportunities to produce both new and remanufactured products, are better off by centrally controlling their manufacturing and remanufacturing activities. Thus, OEMs should not remanufacture used products until the remanufacturing cost is sufficiently low to overcome the negative impact of new product cannibalisation. In this paper, we present a contrasting view of the manufacturing–remanufacturing conflict: OEMs sometimes benefit from the decentralised control mode under which they ignore the internal cannibalisation rather than the remanufacturing option. We consider a decentralised closed-loop supply chain in which one OEM can purchase new components from one supplier to produce new products and collect used products from consumers to produce remanufactured products. The key feature of our model is that the OEM can select a centralised or decentralised control mode to manage its manufacturing and remanufacturing activities before the supplier prices the new component. In a steady state period setting, we analyse the players’ optimal decisions and compare the OEM's profits under centralised and decentralised control modes. Our analytic results reveal that the decentralised control within the OEM can outperform the centralised control when the cost structure of producing new and remanufactured products satisfies certain conditions. Finally, the key findings are distilled in a conceptual framework and its managerial implications are discussed.

‘Escaping the Cage of Ethno-National Conflict in Northern Ireland:The Importance of Transnational Networks

The paper uses research on the EU Special Programme for Peace and Reconciliation in Northern Ireland and the Border Counties of the Republic of Ireland (Peace II) to interrogate the relationship between inter-nationalization, transnationalism and the amelioration of a deeply territorialized ethno-national conflict. It concludes that inter-national cooperation and territorial containment strategies risk enhancing zero-sum territorial politics without more coherent articulation of strategies for building transnational networks of cooperation and conflict resolution

Violence in the Lives of Children and Youth in “Post-Conflict” Northern Ireland

While Northern Ireland experiences relative peace and political stability, its violent past is normalized in murals and commemorations, the language and posturing of opposition politics, segregated communities and social life. In “post-conflict” Northern Ireland, children and youth disproportionately experience paramilitary-style attacks and routine sectarian violence. The violence of poverty and restricted opportunities within communities debilitated by three decades of conflict is masked by a discourse of social, economic and political progress. Drawing on qualitative research, this paper illustrates the continued legacy and impacts of violence on the lives of children and youth living in post-ceasefire Northern Ireland. It discusses the prominence of violence—sectarian, racist, political, “everyday,” domestic, “informal”—in young people's accounts and the impacts on their safety, sense of belonging, identity formation, use of space and emotional well-being. The paper concludes by challenging narrow and reductionist explanations of violence, arguing the need to contextualize these within local, historical, political, cultural and material contexts.

Post-conflict Belfast sliced and diced:the case of the Gaeltacht Quarter

This paper considers the recent proliferation of Belfast‘s =Quarters‘ as part of global trends towards the theming of city space, and as a response to the particular situation of Belfast at the beginning of the twenty-first century. It focuses on the Gaeltacht Quarter, a site that exemplifies the difficulty of applying the internationally popular model of cultural difference as a resource for the production of tourist revenue to the context of contested cities. The =quartering‘ of Belfast is represented as a response to post-industrial and post-conflict predicaments this city shares with many others. I consider how the urban context is sometimes exploited, as in exhortations to investors and tourists to contribute to Belfast‘s transformation from =a city of two halves‘ to =a city of seven quarters‘, and sometimes obscured, as in the recent re-invention of the Quarters as remnants of the city‘s distant past.

The (Soft) Power of Commitment:The EU and Conflict Resolution in Northern Ireland

This paper examines the potential of international actors to contribute to conflict resolution by analysing the evolving role of the European Union (EU) in embedding Northern Ireland's peace process. Scrutiny of the EU's approach to conflict resolution in Northern Ireland offers useful insights into the scope and potential of soft power for facilitating behavioural change from governmental to grass-roots levels. This paper traces the development of the EU's approach to conflict resolution in Northern Ireland from one concentrated on encouraging state-level agreement, to nurturing peace through multilevel funding, through now to consolidating the peace by facilitating regional-level empowerment. The core argument is that, in sum, the most critical element of the EU's contribution to peace in Northern Ireland has been, quite simply, that of enduring commitment.

The role of sexual steroids in the modulation of growth hormone (GH) secretion in humans

Sex steroids contribute to modulate GH secretion in man. However, both the exact locus and mechanism by which their actions are exerted still remain not clearly understood. We undertook a number of studies designed to ascertain: (1) whether or not sudden or chronic changes in circulating gonadal steroids may affect GH secretion in normal adults; and (2) the reason(s) for gender-related dimorphic pattern of GH release. The pituitary reserve of GH, as evaluated by means of a GHRH challenge, was similar in women with anorexia nervosa and in normally menstruating women. Estrogenic receptor blockade with tamoxifen (TMX) did not significantly change GHRH-induced GH response in these normal women. Therefore, acute or chronic hypoestrogenism apparently had no important effects at level of somatotrophs. In another group of normal women we tested the possibility that changes in circulating estrogens might induce changes in the hypothalamic-somatotroph rhythm (HSR). GHRH challenges were performed throughout a menstrual cycle, and again after having achieved functional ovarian blockade with a GnRH agonist treatment. Short-term ovarian blockade did not significantly affect the parameters of GH response to GHRH, although it was accompanied by an increase in the number of women ina refractory HSR phase at testing. This suggested a low potentiating effect on the basic pattern of somatostatin (SS) release occurring as a consequence of the decrease in circulating estrogens. In normal men, neither the GH response to GHRH nor the HSR were affected by functional testicular blockade (after GnRH agonist treatment). However, the administration of testosterone enanthate (250 mg) to another group of men increased both the GHRH-induced GH release and the number of subjects in a spontaneous secretory HSR phase at testing; these were reversed by estrogenic receptor blockade with TMS. In another group of normal men, the fraction of GH secreted in pulses (FGHP) during a nocturnal sampling period was significantly decreased by testicular blockade. Other parameters of GH secretion, such as the number of GH pulses and their mean amplitude (A), and the mean plasma GH concentration (MCGH), showed a slight, although not significant, decrease following the lack of androgens. The administration of testosterone enanthate (500 mg) reversed these parameters to values similar to those in the basal study. Interestingly, when tamoxifen was given after testosterone enanthate, A, MCGH and FGHP increased to values significantly higher than in any other experimental condition in that study. In all, these data suggest that 17ß-estradiol may participate in GH modulation by inhibiting the hypothalamic release of somatostatin, while testosterone stimulates it. The results obtained after estrogenic receptor blockade appear to indicate that the effect of testosterone in such a modulation is dependent on its aromatization to 17ß-estradiol. The differential levels of this steroid in both sexes might account for the sexual dimorphic pattern of GH secretion. From other data in the literature, obtained in rats, and our preliminary data in children with constitutional delay of growth and puberty, it is tempting to speculate that the effect of 17ß-estradiol may be exerted by modifying the functional activity of a-2 adrenergic pathways involved in the negative modulation of SS release.

Thinking Sexual Difference Through the Law of Rape

2013 marks 10 years since the Sexual Offences Act 2003 was passed. That Act made significant changes to the law of rape which appear now to have made very little difference to reporting, prosecution or conviction rates. This article argues that the Act has failed against its own measures because it remains enmeshed within a conceptual framework of sexual indifference in which woman continues to be constructed as man’s (defective) other. This construction both constricts the frame in which women’s sexuality can be thought and distorts the harm of rape for women. It also continues woman’s historic alienation from her own nature and denies her entitlement to a becoming in line with her own sexuate identity. Using Luce Irigaray’s critical and constructive frameworks, the article seeks to imagine how law might ‘cognize’ sexual difference and thus take the preliminary steps to a juridical environment in which women can more adequately understand and articulate the harm of rape.