734 resultados para nationalism
Resumo:
Is there a concept of nationhood in the Bible that can provide us with a framework for cross-cultural Christian mission? This thesis argues that current evangelical missiology has accepted too willingly the categories of the secular Enlightenment understanding of ethnicity and nationhood, and that it needs to rethink its understanding of nations from a biblical standpoint. While the pressures of globalisation are seen by some as rapidly eclipsing the nation-state, this thesis will argue that we need to move beyond the narrower secular categories of citizenship, political power and the boundaries of the state to recover a more biblical understanding of nationhood. By reference to Genesis 10-11, Acts 2:1-11 and those passages in the Book of Revelation that discuss the destiny of the nations, it will show that the biblical understanding of nations includes deeper ideas of shared history, culture and language as the essential components of nationhood. It will explain how nations are part of the created order, and explore the impact of the Babel narrative on our understanding of nations in relation to God. It will demonstrate that Pentecost did not reverse the curse of Babel, but served rather to honour the dignity and value of nations and their languages. It will also argue that nations have a destiny in the New Creation according to the Book of Revelation. This biblical concept of nationhood has significant implications in several areas: the development of a public theology; a Christian response to nationalism; the question of how urban mission fits within mission to the nations; and the importance of indigenous languages in cross-cultural mission, especially in the multicultural cities of Europe.
Resumo:
At the dawn of the twentieth century, Imperial Russia was in the throes of immense social, political and cultural upheaval. The effects of rapid industrialization, rising capitalism and urbanization, as well as the trauma wrought by revolution and war, reverberated through all levels of society and every cultural sphere. In the aftermath of the 1905 revolution, amid a growing sense of panic over the chaos and divisions emerging in modern life, a portion of Russian educated society (obshchestvennost’) looked to the transformative and unifying power of music as a means of salvation from the personal, social and intellectual divisions of the contemporary world. Transcending professional divisions, these “orphans of Nietzsche” comprised a distinct aesthetic group within educated Russian society. While lacking a common political, religious or national outlook, these philosophers, poets, musicians and other educated members of the upper and middle strata were bound together by their shared image of music’s unifying power, itself built upon a synthesis of Russian and European ideas. They yearned for a “musical Orpheus,” a composer capable of restoring wholeness to society through his music. My dissertation is a study in what I call “musical metaphysics,” an examination of the creation, development, crisis and ultimate failure of this Orphic worldview. To begin, I examine the institutional foundations of musical life in late Imperial Russia, as well as the explosion of cultural life in the aftermath of the 1905 Revolution, a vibrant social context which nourished the formation of musical metaphysics. From here, I assess the intellectual basis upon which musical metaphysics rested: central concepts (music, life-transformation, theurgy, unity, genius, nation), as well as the philosophical heritage of Nietzsche and the Christian thinkers Vladimir Solov’ev, Aleksei Khomiakov, Ivan Kireevskii and Lev Tolstoi. Nietzsche’s orphans’ struggle to reconcile an amoral view of reality with a deeply felt sense of religious purpose gave rise to neo-Slavophile interpretations of history, in which the Russian nation (narod) was singled out as the savior of humanity from the materialism of modern life. This nationalizing tendency existed uneasily within the framework of the multi-ethnic empire. From broad social and cultural trends, I turn to detailed analysis of three of Moscow’s most admired contemporary composers, whose individual creative voices intersected with broader social concerns. The music of Aleksandr Scriabin (1871-1915) was associated with images of universal historical progress. Nikolai Medtner (1879-1951) embodied an “Imperial” worldview, in which musical style was imbued with an eternal significance which transcended the divisions of nation. The compositions of Sergei Rachmaninoff (1873-1943) were seen as the expression of a Russian “national” voice. Heightened nationalist sentiment and the impact of the Great War spelled the doom of this musical worldview. Music became an increasingly nationalized sphere within which earlier, Imperial definitions of belonging grew ever more problematic. As the Germanic heritage upon which their vision was partially based came under attack, Nietzsche’s orphans found themselves ever more divided and alienated from society as a whole. Music’s inability to physically transform the world ultimately came to symbolize the failure of Russia’s educated strata to effectively deal with the pressures of a modernizing society. In the aftermath of the 1917 revolutions, music was transformed from a symbol of active, unifying power into a space of memory, a means of commemorating, reinterpreting, and idealizing the lost world of Imperial Russia itself.
Resumo:
In this dissertation, I examine how migration narratives make an ambiguous contribution to the democratization of French national borders. National borders are essentially spaces of crises from which it is possible to study the constant evolution of national identity. Migration narratives, regardless of their ideological dimension, offer representations of the border and of the foreigner that result from a tension between the difficulty to think identity outside of the national frame and the questioning of such a strong tie between identity and the nation. At the border, identities are fundamentally unstable. The first part is focused on the north-eastern and the southern borders of France at the end of the 19th century. The French nationalist literature at the time, advocating for the return of Alsace-Lorraine to the Republic, is characterized by a tension between nationalism and regionalism. The ideology of latinity constitutes a second major feature of the discourse on French identity. Developed by Louis Bertrand, it claims that France can only be regenerated in Algeria. However, a gap between his fictional works and his essays reveals latinity as hybrid and heterogeneous. Borders are also polysemic, namely, they do have the same meaning for everyone. The second part of the dissertation focuses on the southern border of France from the 30s to the 90s. The study of films and novels demonstrate that former borders are still active, especially colonial borders. Finally, the third part of the dissertation addresses the representation of migrants who were trapped in the north of France, at the border of the Schengen area, from the 90s to 2009. Migration narratives bring attention to the totalitarian tendencies of the state, but they also struggle with the contradictions of the humanitarian discourse and the analogies made with previous immigration waves.
Resumo:
The idea of a cosmopolitan Europe continues to be central to contemporary debates within post-national citizenship. However, much of the writing in this area remains disconnected from the need to reinvent European social democracy that questions the centrality of work and racist nationalism. This article argues that a revived European Left would need to move beyond specifically liberal concerns with procedure to articulate a view of European futures that both deconstructed neo-liberalism and embraced more convivial collective futures. This would entail the combination of a post-material politics that sought to critique the centrality of employment while granting citizens a basic income or forms of civic labour and a more concerted attempt to break with a racialized politics based upon the fear of the ‘Other’. In conclusion, it is argued that the urgent political task of the future is to reinvent a sense of Europeaness that has both a substantive content, but that does not become mobilized by an exclusive cultural politics.
Resumo:
Thèse réalisée en cotutelle avec l'Université Paris-Sorbonne et l'Université de Montréal. Composition du jury : M. Laurent Cugny (Université Paris-Sorbonne) ; M. Michel Duchesneau (Université de Montréal) ; M. Philippe Gumplowicz (Université d'Evry-Val d'Essonne) ; Mme Barbara Kelly (Keele University - Royal Northern College of Music) ; M. François de Médicis (Université de Montréal) ; M. Christopher Moore (Université d'Ottawa)
Resumo:
This dissertation addresses the broader antecedents of the Communist Party of Albania (CPA) as one of a number of associations whose experience was central to Albanian political history. This long experience dates back to the informal national associations formed in the Ottoman Empire of the late nineteenth century. The dissertation examines the role of these associations which, pursuing language rights and political representation through imperial state reforms, set a pattern that struggled to connect nation and state, rather than asserting the territorial demands for a nation-state familiar across the region. Starting out in the Ottoman Empire, but then maturing in the Albanian diaspora in Romania, Bulgaria, Egypt and the United States, this dissertation shows politically significant processes of longer-term adaptation that created informal associations as institutional structures able to channel collective action. It then traces the reframing of these patterns through their destruction in the Balkan Wars and the First World War to the emergence of communist associations in the interwar period and beyond. This dissertation is a sustained study that traces long-term Ottoman imperial political legacies in the Albanian successor state. The story of the associations, based on hitherto unexamined archival documents, shows that the Albanians possessed a far greater capacity for political mobilization that previously acknowledged by historians. Moreover, the dissertation successfully challenges the conventional wisdom that portrays the Albanians as irreparably divided along sectarian and regional faultlines. It finds that Albanian national activism was civic in character rather than ethnic as elsewhere in the Balkans. The Albanians fought to remain within a multinational framework because this afforded them political security, social advancement and potential economic growth. In the late Ottoman period, this political objective was manifested in the acceptance of the supranational imperial order whereas during the Second World War, in the aspiration to become members of the Comintern internationalist movement. Another important find, is the newly-discovered evidence concerning the founding of the CPA and its wartime conduct as an organization created and led by the Albanians themselves, albeit with Yugoslav ideological assistance under the transnational umbrella of the Comintern.
Resumo:
O principal objetivo deste estudo foi compreender as etapas do percurso artístico do compositor portuense Ciríaco de Cardoso (1846 – 1900) e os discursos em torno de uma das suas obras mais célebres: O burro do Sr. Alcaide (1891). No primeiro capítulo procurou-se identificar e discutir os critérios que estiveram na base das opções profissionais tomadas por Ciríaco. O decurso da sua carreira leva a crer que possuía uma noção profunda das atividades que, no espaço lusófono, apresentavam maior potencial de aquisição quer de capital económico, quer de capital simbólico. É por isso que, mobilizando recursos das suas redes de sociabilidade, circula por instituições no Porto e em Lisboa mas, também, pelo lucrativo mercado teatral do Rio de Janeiro, assim como em Paris. Concentra-se no popular teatro musical – principal fonte de sustento – em paralelo com a atividade concertística e operática – forma de distinção atendendo à competitividade no mercado musico-teatral. Percebe também que a maximização do seu poder simbólico depende da legitimação alcançada pela sua associação às elites socioculturais locais, pelo que fomenta o estabelecimento de sociabilidades que se estendem inclusive às casas reais portuguesa e brasileira. Paradoxalmente, as edes mais próximas de Ciríaco estavam vinculadas a um idealismo republicano, relacionamento que exponencial proliferação de discursos dessa índole pelos media lusófonos (sobretudo a partir do tricentenário camoniano de 1880) e, por outro, pela aparente inexistência de registos que associem inequivocamente o artista ao ativismo republicano. Não obstante, é provável que Ciríaco de Cardoso tenha explorado o filão antimonárquico na programação da temporada de 1891 do Teatro da Avenida. O segundo capítulo explora a produção de O burro do Sr. Alcaide, através da análise da sua estrutura e das relações da obra com a realidade portuguesa da última década do século XIX. Embora respeite o modelo da opereta francesa, apresenta também características que poderão levar a que seja interpretada como transmissora de uma portugalidade idealizada, em linha com o nacionalismo português do último quartel do século. A ação decorre em Lisboa, cenário de interação entre personagens-tipo e caricaturas de personalidades concretas da elite sociopolítica portuguesa. Através de referências ao sebastianismo, satiriza-se o comportamento dessas elites, assim como as instituições da monarquia constitucional e a prevalência de uma visão messiânica dos governantes por parte da sociedade em geral. Faz-se a apologia da ruralidade através de tópicos musicais e de quadros onde se constrói uma imagem da música tradicional, correspondendo a uma idealização da nação – notada e enfatizada na receção pela crítica. Utiliza também outros tópicos pertencentes à paisagem sonora do público burguês, completando a expressão da urbanidade de um país onde essas duas realidades não eram ainda completamente dissociáveis. Contudo, ao não propor alterações efetivas à hierarquia da sociedade portuguesa finissecular, o desfecho da obra leva a concluir que esta terá consistido numa forma de propaganda o que, por um lado, explica o seu mediatismo e, por outro, vincula os seus autores – mais ou menos conscientes disso – às lutas políticas em curso aquando do ano da sua estreia.
Resumo:
This dissertation examines the role that music has played in the expression of identity and revitalization of culture of the Alevis in Turkey, since the start of their sociocultural revival movement in the late 1980s. Music is central to Alevi claims of ethnic and religious difference—singing and playing the bağlama (Turkish folk lute) constitutes an expressive practice in worship and everyday life. Based on research conducted from 2012 to 2014, I investigate and present Alevi music through the lens of discourses on the construction of identity as a social and musical process. Alevi musicians perform a revived repertoire of the ritual music and folk songs of Anatolian bards and dervish-lodge poets that developed over several centuries. Contemporary media and performance contexts have blurred former distinctions between sacred and secular, yet have provided new avenues to build community in an urban setting. I compare music performances in the worship services of urban and small-town areas, and other community events such as devotional meetings, concerts, clubs, and broadcast and social media to illustrate the ways that participation—both performing and listening—reinforces identity and solidarity. I also examine the influence of these different contexts on performers’ musical choices, and the power of music to evoke a range of responses and emotional feelings in the participants. Through my investigation I argue that the Alevi music repertoire is not only a cultural practice but also a symbol of power and collective action in their struggle for human rights and self-determination. As Alevis have faced a redefined Turkish nationalism that incorporates Sunni Muslim piety, this music has gained even greater potency in their resistance to misrecognition as a folkloric, rather than a living, tradition.
Resumo:
Immigration is directly related to citizenship, the nation and the state, revealing as it does the constructed nature of those categories. Here the impact of immigration on Euskal Herria is examined from this perspective, looking first at the processes of migration to it which have produced the make-up of present-day Basque society to a large extent. This is followed by a consideration of the way migratory movements have been viewed by the movement for the development of Euskal Herria into a state, the Basque nationalist movement, since these attitudes have played a fundamental role in defining Basque citizenship. After some observations about multiculturalism, the chapter concludes with a look at how the creation of a Basque state might contribute to this and the issues that will be raised.
Resumo:
In the 20th century, German education repeatedly transformed as the occupying Americans, Soviets, and western-dominated reunification governments used their control of the German secondary education system to create new definitions of what it meant to be German. In each case, the dominant political force established the paradigm for a new generation of Germans. The victors altered the German education system to ensure that their versions of history would be the prevailing narrative. In the American Occupation Zones from 1945-1949, this meant democratic initiatives; for the Soviet Zone in those same years, Marxist-Leninist pedagogy; and for the Bundesrepublik after reunification, integrated East and West German narratives. In practice, this meant succeeding generations of German students learned very different versions of history depending on the temporal and geographic space they inhabited, as each new prevailing regime supplanted the previous version of “Germanness” with its own.
Resumo:
La frontière entre le politique et l'intellectualisme militant est, d'ordinaire, ténue. Tout univers politico-constitutionnel est ainsi susceptible de faire les frais d'un martèlement doctrinal qui, à maints égards, relève davantage du construit que du donné. Résultante directe d'une construction parfois intéressée, le récit identitaire, à force de répétition, s'installera confortablement sur les sièges de l'imaginaire populaire. Il accèdera, au fil du temps, au statut de mythe pur et simple. Ce dernier, politiquement parlant, revêt de puissants effets aphrodisiaques. La présente thèse doctorale s'intéresse plus particulièrement aux mythes créés, depuis 1982, par un segment de la doctrine québécoise : en matière de droits linguistiques, objet principal de notre étude, Charte canadienne des droits et libertés et Cour suprême, toutes deux liguées contre le Québec, combineront leurs efforts afin d'assurer le recul du fait français dans la Belle Province. Quant aux francophones hors Québec, ceux-ci, depuis l'effritement du concept de nation canadienne-française, sont dorénavant exclus de l'équation, expurgés de l'échiquier constitutionnel. En fait, l'adoption d'un nationalisme méthodologique comme nouvelle orthodoxie politique et doctrinale rend ardue, en plusieurs sens, la conciliation de leur existence avec les paradigmes et épistémologie maintenant consacrés. Ainsi, et selon la logique du tiers exclu, une victoire francophone hors Québec signifiera, du fait d'une prétendue symétrie interprétative, un gain pour la communauté anglo-québécoise. Cette thèse vise à discuter de la teneur de diverses allégories établies et, le cas échéant, à reconsidérer la portée réelle de la Charte canadienne en matière linguistique. Il sera alors démontré que plusieurs lieux communs formulés par les milieux intellectuels québécois échouent au moins partiellement, le test de l'analyse factuelle. Celui-ci certifiera de l'exclusion, par la doxa, de toute décision judiciaire ou autre vérité empirique ne pouvant cadrer à même les paramètres, voire les prismes, de l'orthodoxie suggérée.
Resumo:
The main focus of the thesis concentrates on nationalism and how it is expressed through national myth and a hero. As a case study for Lithuania the cult of Vytautas the Great is used. Theses present how the myth of Vytautas the Great was created and why particularly the Grand duke became a national symbol. It also examines how main nationalism theories are reflected in this case. The main purpose of the thesis is to find out how this myth matches the needs of the current Lithuanian society – the last year schoolchildren (eighteen – nineteen years old) in particular. The main method used in the empirical part of the thesis is qualitative analysis: primary source material was gathered by using semi – structured interviews and the results were analyzed by employing thematic analysis. The theoretical part of the study presents the core nationalism and ethnic identity theories and describes the concepts of national myth and hero as well as their connection and influence for the society and Lithuanians precisely. In this study nationalism is understood as a phenomenon that holds a nation together and is reflected via certain national symbols such as national myths and heroes by forming a national identity the meaning of which is different for each generation. The analysis of the results in this study has showed that the idea of Vytautas the Great as a national hero – symbol, created in the interwar Lithuanian society has lost its significance for the current schoolchildren and has been replaced by other images. However, at the same time the Grand duke is still perceived as an embodiment of the main national Lithuanian virtues.
Resumo:
La música folclórica más apegada a sus raíces es de tradición oral; la combinación de esta tradición con la música académica permite preservar, mediante el uso de las partituras, las músicas tradicionales de diferentes culturas del mundo -- En la música académica, se cuenta con referentes del uso de la música tradicional como una herramienta que brinda material que puede ser rítmico, melódico, armónico o tímbrico, entre otros -- La aproximación sonora al timbre de instrumentos tradicionales como el shehnai de la India, el morin jur de Mongolia, el Koto de Japón y el tiple de Colombia realizada con instrumentos acústicos occidentales de uso académico, es uno de los ejes de esta investigación; como producto de la misma se busca usar los elementos y el lenguaje propios de la tradición para la creación de ideas musicales, combinados con lenguajes de composición de los siglos XX y XXI que, a su vez, pueden ser o no fieles al carácter folclórico de cada cultura
Resumo:
En esta sección se recoge una serie de cartas que, publicadas en diversos periódicos finiseculares, dejan en claro cuáles fueron las razones que tenían nuestros creadores literarios para escribir en ese momento. Se presentan algunos textos a través de los cuales el pensamiento nacional se volcó sobre la literatura para definirla en ese momento. Por ejemplo: Hojarasca, El nacionalismo en literatura, El Heraldo, Carta a don Joaquín García Monge, Nacionalismo literario, Carta a don Rafael Machado, Casi palique, Constantinopla futura.
Resumo:
Este artículo pretende ofrecer herramientas analíticas acerca de diversos aspectos que sean de utilidad a los pianistas profesionales o en formación, para el estudio y ejecución de la Sonata para Piano No.1, Op.22 del compositor argentino Alberto Ginastera -- Se incluye un corto contexto histórico de la obra, con especial enfoque en el período creativo del que hace parte la Sonata, con el fin de familiarizar al pianista con la producción del compositor -- Cuenta el artículo además con un análisis de la estructura de la obra y de cada uno de sus movimientos y con consejos prácticos enfocados al aspecto técnico ejecutivo-interpretativo, cuyo fin es facilitar, tanto el estudio como la ejecución misma de la obra -- Se incluye también un breve análisis de tres grabaciones de la Sonata con comentarios generales relacionados con los asuntos puntuales atendidos en el artículo