828 resultados para harmonious society


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Em uma conjuntura de expansão urbana, intensificação do consumo, mudança climática e escassez de petróleo, o tema das mobilidades assume inquestionável importância econômica, social e ambiental. O seminário internacional "Mobilidades Urbanas: Alicerces para Pesquisas Transnacionais" volta-se, por um lado, para a fomentação do debate em torno do paradigma das novas mobilidades - envolvendo mobilidade espacial e socioeconômica, entre outras - e de sua aplicabilidade no contexto brasileiro; por outro, para a capacitação de pesquisadores cujas investigações tematizam os processos de mobilidade social e espacial a partir de perspectivas comparativas e transnacionais.

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The history of independent Brazil may be divided into three major state–society cycles, and, after 1930, five political pacts or class coalitions can be identified. These pacts were nationalist; only in the 1990s did the Brazilian elites surrender to the neoliberal hegemony. Yet, since the mid-2000s they have been rediscovering the idea of the nation. The main claim of the essay is that Brazilian elites and Brazilian society are “national–dependent”, that is, they are ambivalent and contradictory, requiring an oxymoron to define them. They are dependent because they often see themselves as “European” and the mass of the people as inferior. But Brazil is big enough, and there are enough common interests around its domestic market, to make the Brazilian nation less ambivalent. Today Brazil is seeking a synthesis between the last two political cycles – between social justice and economic development in the framework of democracy.

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The objective of this paper is to identify and analyze the main problems in the taxation—regarding both taxes themselves and compliance costs of taxation—of civil society organizations in Brazil. This study is qualitative descriptive research. A multiple case study with 26 organizations was performed. The results show that the problems mainly affect organizations with lower revenue and that do not work in the areas of education, health or social care. The main problems involve the taxation of the payroll and the difficulties related to obtaining and maintaining certifications. The study concludes with suggestions for the improvement of the regulatory framework.

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Since the international financial and food crisis that started in 2008, strong emphasis has been made on the importance of Genetically Modified Organisms (GMOs) (or “transgenics”) under the claim that they could contribute to increase food productivity at a global level, as the world population is predicted to reach 9.1 billion in the year 2050 and food demand is predicted to increase by as much as 50% by 2030. GMOs are now at the forefront of the debates and struggles of different actors. Within civil society actors, it is possible to observe multiple, and sometime, conflicting roles. The role of international social movements and international NGOs in the GMO field of struggle is increasingly relevant. However, while many of these international civil society actors oppose this type of technological developments (alleging, for instance, environmental, health and even social harms), others have been reportedly cooperating with multinational corporations, retailers, and the biotechnology industry to promote GMOs. In this thesis research, I focus on analysing the role of “international civil society” in the GMO field of struggle by asking: “what are the organizing strategies of international civil society actors, such as NGOs and social movements, in GMO governance as a field of struggle?” To do so, I adopt a neo-Gramscian discourse approach based on the studies of Laclau and Mouffe. This theoretical approach affirms that in a particular hegemonic regime there are contingent alliances and forces that overpass the spheres of the state and the economy, while civil society actors can be seen as a “glue” to the way hegemony functions. Civil society is then the site where hegemony is consented, reproduced, sustained, channelled, but also where counter-hegemonic and emancipatory forces can emerge. Considering the importance of civil society actors in the construction of hegemony, I also discuss some important theories around them. The research combines, on the one hand, 36 in-depth interviews with a range of key civil society actors and scientists representing the GMO field of struggle in Brazil (19) and the UK (17), and, on the other hand, direct observations of two events: Rio+20 in Rio de Janeiro in 2012, and the first March Against Monsanto in London in 2013. A brief overview of the GMO field of struggle, from its beginning and especially focusing in the 1990s when the process of hegemonic formation became clearer, serves as the basis to map who are the main actors in this field, how resource mobilization works, how political opportunities (“historical contingencies”) are discovered and exploited, which are the main discourses (“science” and “sustainability” - articulated by “biodiversity preservation”, “food security” and “ecological agriculture”) articulated among the actors to construct a collective identity in order to attract new potential allies around “GMOs” (“nodal point”), and which are the institutions and international regulations within these processes that enable hegemony to emerge in meaningful and durable hegemonic links. This mapping indicates that that the main strategies applied by the international civil society actors are influenced by two central historical contingencies in the GMO field of struggle: 1) First Multi-stakeholder Historical Contingency; and 2) “Supposed” Hegemony Stability. These two types of historical contingency in the GMO field of struggle encompass deeper hegemonic articulations and, because of that, they induce international civil society actors to rethink the way they articulate and position themselves within the field. Therefore, depending on one of those moments, they will apply one specific strategy of discourse articulation, such as: introducing a new discourse in hegemony articulation to capture the attention of the public and of institutions; endorsing new plural demands; increasing collective visibility; facilitating material articulations; sharing a common enemy identity; or spreading new ideological elements among the actors in the field of struggle.

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Esta pesquisa se propôs a investigar a gestão pública da 20ª edição da Copa do Mundo FIFA, realizada no Brasil em 2014. Contestada popularmente por milhares de brasileiros, o megaevento esportivo teve suas contradições, principalmente em relação aos altos gastos públicos e à lucrativa participação da Federação Internacional de Futebol (FIFA). Durante os seus preparativos e realização, aconteceu um dos mais duradouros ciclos de protestos da história recente do Brasil, o que destaca a insatisfação de muitos brasileiros em relação aos investimentos dos governos federal, estaduais e municipais para a sua realização. Com recorte mais aprofundado para a gestão do megaevento na cidade de São Paulo, o trabalho procurou compreender os acordos entre as partes e analisar a relação entre as instituições – a FIFA e os Governos – na operacionalização e decisões sobre o megaevento. Além disso, destaca as interfaces estabelecidas entre governos e a sociedade civil, em sua diversidade identificada empiricamente, e aprofunda nas inflexões das reivindicações populares e protestos na gestão do megaevento pela prefeitura paulistana. O estudo é um estudo de caso único e, portanto, foi realizado com métodos qualitativos de pesquisa. Foram utilizadas fontes múltiplas de coleta que possibilitaram a triangulação dos dados obtidos e o aumento da validade dos resultados. Foram feitas observações diretas durante os protestos e na região de impacto dos empreendimentos da Copa, coleta em documentos oficiais, legislações, atas, contratos e matérias jornalísticas e entrevistas com atores-chave dos governos federal e municipal, com ativistas e manifestantes, líderes comunitários e representantes de organizações da sociedade civil. A pesquisa apontou que os megaeventos esportivos são um importante tema de pesquisa pelo mundo e têm se revelado como uma relevante preocupação em países em desenvolvimento, além de terem se tornado um importante instrumento político para a promoção da imagem dos países-sede no exterior e para a projeção de partidos nos territórios nacionais. Seus resultados destacam a formação de campos antagônicos entre governos e sociedade civil e a formação de arenas de conflito também entre os atores sociais. Embora haja visto alguns esforços pela transparência da gestão, não se pode dizer que a Copa do Mundo no Brasil teve nível ideal de transparência, tampouco de participação social. Se por um lado houve esforços para se aprimorar a transparência, por outro, os canais de participação social instituídos não expressaram relevância para a gestão pública do megaevento. As interfaces entre governos e a sociedade civil foram identificadas, assim como seus efeitos e inflexões sobre a gestão do mundial. A principal interface destacada se deu no nível da rua e se afirmou na forma do enfrentamento entre manifestantes e a polícia. A segunda mais evidente se consolidou na negociação direta entre comunitários vulneráveis às obras da Copa e gestores municipais. Os efeitos dos protestos de rua sobre a ação dos governos se destacou na atividade policial, que usou a violência e a repressão como principais respostas ao conjunto de manifestações, e na criação de espaços de negociação direta com as comunidades, este influenciado mais diretamente pela formação de grupos de reivindicação, como o Comitê Popular da Copa, e pela resistência da própria comunidade. A gestão da Copa do Mundo no Brasil foi complexa e evidenciou, do ponto de vista das relações federativas, alguns problemas entre município, estado e União, que tratam da coordenação de programas, políticas ou ações, neste caso, um megaevento esportivo, de gestão compartilhada. O caso aponta dissonâncias e desalinhamentos entre governo federal, estadual e municipal sobre as práticas de diálogo, negociação, transparência e participação social. A pesquisa destaca a formação de um conjunto social mais atento, crítico e politizado, que reivindica, contesta e ocupa as ruas demonstrando sua insatisfação com governos, sistemas políticos e formas de representação. Aponta para resultados mais tangíveis e relações mais harmônicas entre governos e população quando são implementadas formas alternativas de participação e envolvimento social, sobretudo espaços e processos em que há lugar para a negociação e inserção da sociedade civil nos processos decisórios

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The recent insertion of biodiesel derived from oily vegetables in the Brazilian energetic matrix calls for the study of some aspects that belong to it. The analysis of the carbonized energetic pattern concerns the paradigm of economic development that is constitutionally enshrined sustainable development which make environmental protection compatible with the needs of the economic rationality. This text is structured according to the ideas of modern hermeneutic that sees substantial value in the principles capable of create a harmonious relationship between law and society. The study of the constitutional principles to conduct a legal analysis about the National Program for Production and Use of Biodiesel - PNPB. The aim of the research is the study of PNPB ahead with the constitutional principles governing the economic order. To achieve this end we studied the sustainable development as a constitutional principle. We start with the notion that the thematic principles, and fundamental to understanding the dimension of sustainable development institute, since its concept is closely related to the applications of the principles enshrined in virtually all the constitutional order of the Western world. Then this was the National Energy Policy, initiating the approach by guiding principles of the National Energy Policy to develop the theme of public policy in the energy sector. Therefore, we studied the National Program of Biodiesel Production and Use - PNPB. From a technical introduction to the concept of biodiesel and a brief historical background, analyzing their advantages compared to fossil fuels predominantly used. Then it became a regulatory overview of the Brazilian legislation on the subject, central to understanding the plans and objectives pursued by the Brazilian government with encouraging the production of biodiesel. Finally discussed the tax incentives for production and use of biodiesel in Brazil. From the idea of federalism, characterized the tax as an instrument of state intervention in the economy. And finally it brought the tax incentives of Law No. 11.116/2005 in the face of the constitutional principles of economy and tax, and tax incentives from projects related to the Kyoto Protocol

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This dissertation includes the monitoring of coastal environmental dynamics at three points distinct from Ponta Negra beach, located on the South Coast of Natal, capital of Rio Grande do Norte, in the period June 2012 to May, 2013. For this, the following hypotheses were developed: Which actors morphodynamic and/or anthropogenic responsible for the changes in the study area? And yet, the configuration of the morphodynamic state of the beach, dissipative, reflective or intermediate? Faced with these questions , studies on the beach environment has its relevance as they may clarify the risks and responsibilities of anthropogenic intervention and also assist managers in more targeted action regarding the protection of praiais systems, since once committed, it is very difficult recover the environmental framework of the area, being greatly more feasible the development of multidisciplinary work plans that can guide human actions possible in search of an understanding to the harmonious interaction between society and the beach system. Its main goal is the understanding of the processes of coastal dynamics, methodological procedures that supported the implementation of this research were based on the object of study related literature associated with the collection of data resulting from beach profiles made monthly in spring tides (full moon), the hydrodynamic data and statistical quantification data (%) and size classification of sediment sediment after laboratory analysis. The results obtained from annual comparative tables of beach profiles, associated sedimentological analysis, indicated a positive sediment budget, tending to equilibrium for Point 01 and Point 02 negative. Have to Step 03 were added to the hydrodynamic data, which allowed also on a comparative framework, the perception of a depositional dynamics, with a tendency to decrease the accumulation of material at the end of the annual cycle. These data also allowed for the point 03, the calculation of the volume of material transported by the longshore current was around 104.280 m³/m, plus the Dean parameter which established a morphological state of the dissipative beach with specific prevalences for point 03. Thus, given the results presented in this work in a timely monitoring of coastal dynamics is expected that managers and public authorities can articulate multidisciplinary work plans, always aiming actions that seek understanding and effective commitment to the recovery of the harmonious interaction between society and Ponta Negra beach environment

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Includes bibliography

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Incluye Bibliografía

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography