948 resultados para gender violence crime
Resumo:
Since 2008, Intelligence units of six states of the western part of Switzerland have been sharing a common database for the analysis of high volume crimes. On a daily basis, events reported to the police are analysed, filtered and classified to detect crime repetitions and interpret the crime environment. Several forensic outcomes are integrated in the system such as matches of traces with persons, and links between scenes detected by the comparison of forensic case data. Systematic procedures have been settled to integrate links assumed mainly through DNA profiles, shoemarks patterns and images. A statistical outlook on a retrospective dataset of series from 2009 to 2011 of the database informs for instance on the number of repetition detected or confirmed and increased by forensic case data. Time needed to obtain forensic intelligence in regard with the type of marks treated, is seen as a critical issue. Furthermore, the underlying integration process of forensic intelligence into the crime intelligence database raised several difficulties in regards of the acquisition of data and the models used in the forensic databases. Solutions found and adopted operational procedures are described and discussed. This process form the basis to many other researches aimed at developing forensic intelligence models.
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OBJECTIVE: To study the impact of intimate partner violence (IPV) on women's physical and psychological health. DESIGN: Cross-sectional study. SETTING:Primary care centers in 3 Andalusian provinces. PATIENTS: A total of 425 women, aged 18 to 65 years, were recruited following the same randomisation process in 6 primary care centers. MEASUREMENTS: A self-administered structured questionnaire for this study was used to gather the information. As well as sociodemographic variables, the instrument included questions about IPV, physical health indicators (chronic disease and type, lifetime surgeries, days in bed), psychological health (psychological morbidity, use of tranquilizers, antidepressants, pain killers, alcohol and recreational drugs), self-perceived health and social support. RESULTS: Of 425 women, 31.5% ever experienced any type of partner violence. Women experiencing IPV were more likely to suffer a chronic disease. IPV was significantly associated with a number of adverse health outcomes, including spending more than 7 days in bed in the last three months (ORa=2.96; CI 95%, 1.00-8.76), psychological morbidity (ORa=2.68; CI 95%, 1.60-4.49) and worse self-perceived health (ORa=1.89; CI 95%, 1.04-3.43), after controlling for potential confounding variables. CONCLUSION: This study shows that ever experiencing IPV is associated with a worse psychological and self-perceived health. Physical injuries are not the only "evidence" of the presence of IPV. Primary health care professionals are in a privileged position to help women who are abused by their partners.
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BACKGROUND Controversy exists concerning the influence of gender in the prognosis of patients with heart failure and no evidence is available from specific heart failure clinics. HYPOTHESIS Women with ambulatory heart failure are managed differently than men, although their prognosis might be better than men. METHODS AND RESULTS We analyzed the clinical characteristics, complementary test results, treatment, and prognosis in 4720 patients with chronic heart failure seen in 62 specialized clinics forming part of a multicenter registry during a mean follow-up of 40 months. The mean age was 65 +/- 12 years and 71% were men. The men were younger than the women and more often had a history of hyperlipidemia and ischemic heart disease. The men had a more advanced heart failure New York Heart Association (NYHA) functional class (III-IV) than the women and a greater frequency of systolic ventricular dysfunction. The men more often received treatment with beta-blockers, vasodilators, and antiplatelet aggregators as well as higher mean doses as compared with the women. The overall survival after the follow-up was similar for both genders, although the women had lower rates of survival free of admission for heart failure. CONCLUSIONS Despite the mortality of women and men with heart failure being similar, the rate of readmission for heart failure is greater in women in specialized heart failure clinics. These results may be associated with the pharmacological treatment differences observed.
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BACKGROUND The possible differences in the disease spectrum and prognosis of HIV infection in women and men is a major point of concern. Women are under-represented in randomized clinical trials and in some cohorts. Discordant results have often been obtained depending on the setting. METHODS We assessed gender differences in clinical and epidemiological features, antiretroviral treatment (ART) exposure and survival in two multicentre cohorts of HIV-positive subjects in Spain: CoRIS-MD and CoRIS. Competing risk regression models were used to assess gender effect on time to start ART and time to first ART change, and a Cox regression model to estimate gender effect on time to death. RESULTS Between January 1996 and December 2008, 1,953 women and 6,072 men naive to ART at study entry were included. The trend analysis over time showed the percentage of women in the younger (<20 years) and older (>50 years) strata increased significantly (P<0.001) from 0.5% and 1.8% in 1996 to 4.9% and 4.2% in 2008, respectively. By competing risk analysis women started ART earlier than men (adjusted subhazard ratio [ASHR] 1.21, 95% CI 1.11, 1.31) in CoRIS cohort, while in CoRIS-MD none of these differences were observed. In both cohorts women showed a shorter time to the first ART change (ASHR 1.10, 95% CI 1.01, 1.19). Pregnancy and patient's/physician's decisions as reasons for changing were more frequent in women than in men in CoRIS. In the Cox regression model, gender was not associated with differences in survival. CONCLUSIONS In two large cohorts in Spain, we observed relevant gender differences in epidemiological characteristics and antiretroviral exposure outcomes, while survival differences were not attributable to gender.
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BACKGROUND: The efficacy of angiotensin-converting enzyme (ACE) inhibitors in decreasing blood pressure in African patients is controversial. OBJECTIVE: We examined the ambulatory blood pressure (ABP) response to a diuretic and an ACE inhibitor in hypertensive patients of East African descent and evaluated the individual characteristics that determined treatment efficacy. DESIGN: A single-blind randomized AB/BA crossover design. SETTING: Hypertensive families of East African descent from the general population in the Seychelles. PARTICIPANTS: Fifty-two (29 men and 23 women) out of 62 eligible hypertensive patients were included.Main outcome measures ABP response to 20 mg lisinopril (LIS) daily and 25 mg hydrochlorothiazide (HCT) daily given for a 4-week period.Results The daytime systolic/diastolic ABP response to HCT was 4.9 [95% confidence interval (CI) 1.2-8.6]/3.6 (1.0-6.2) mmHg for men and 12.9 (9.2-16.6)/6.3 (3.7-8.8) mmHg for women. With LIS the response was 18.8 (15.0-22.5)/14.6 (12.0-17.1) mmHg for men and 12.4 (8.7-16.2)/7.7 (5.1-10.2) mmHg for women. The night-time systolic/diastolic response to HCT was 5.0 (0.6-9.4)/2.7 [(-0.4)-5.7] mmHg for men and 11.5 (7.1-16.0)/5.7 (2.6-8.8) mmHg for women, and to LIS was 18.7 (14.2-22.1)/15.4 (12.4-18.5) mmHg for men and 3.5 [(-1.0)-7.9]/2.3 [(-0.8)-5.4] mmHg for women. Linear regression analyses showed that gender is an independent predictor of the ABP responses to HCT and to LIS. CONCLUSIONS: Hypertensive patients of African descent responded better to LIS than to HCT. Men responded better to LIS than to HCT and women responded similarly to both drugs.
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This article investigates whether vote-buying and the instigation of violence in the disputed 2007 Kenyan elections were strategically motivated, and whether those affected by electoral violence changed their views towards ethno-politics and the use of violence. To answer these questions, a panel survey conducted before and after the elections is combined with external indicators of electoral violence. We find that political parties targeted vote-buying towards specific groups to weaken the support of their political rivals and to mobilize their own supporters. Furthermore, parties instigated violence strategically in areas where they were less likely to win. Although the victims of violence would prefer that parties are no longer allowed to organize in ethnic or religious lines, they are more likely to identify in ethnic terms, support the use of violence and avoid relying on the police to resolve disputes. The overall findings suggest an increased risk of electoral-violence reoccurring.
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This paper explores the relationship between violence and displacement during civil war focusing on two different forms of population movements (i.e. incoming and outgoing), and two different forms of violence (i.e. direct and indirect). The paper explores the relationship between displacement and violence at the local level in the context of a civil war fought conventionally using fine-grained data from 1,062 municipalities of the region of Catalonia during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). First, the paper suggests that exogenous and endogenous to the war factors combine to generate patterns of resettlement. Second, the evidence indicates that, in acivil war context, refugee flows and violence are interrelated in multiple ways: the arrival of internal refugees in a locality promotes the perpetration of direct violence against civilians; this, in turn, triggers the departure of people from the locality when the other group approaches. Third, indirect violence (i.e. bombings) shows to be the most significant factor accounting for external displacement at the local level, suggesting that bombing can serve as a strong signal for civilians of the type of armed group they are facing. Finally, the Spanish case suggests that the demographic changes provoked by displacement, combined with the lethality of the conflict, are likely to have long-term political consequences.
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It is a well established fact that the entry of women into higher-level professional occupations has not resulted in their equal distribution within these occupations. Indeed, the emergence and persistence of horizontal and vertical gender segregation within the professions has been at the heart of the development of a range of alternative theoretical perspectives on both the "feminisation process" and the future of the "professions"more generally. Through an in-depth comparative analysis of the recent changes in the organisation and administration of the medical profession in Britain and France, this paper draws upon statistical data and biographical interviews with male and female general practitioners (GPs) in both countries in order to discuss and review a variety of approaches that have been adopted to explain and analyse the "eminisation" process of higher-level professions. Our conclusions review the theoretical debates in the light of the evidence we have presented. It is argued that, despite important elements of continuity in respect of gendered occupational structuring in both countries, national variations in both professional and domestic gendered architectures lead to different outcomes as far as the extent and patterns of internal occupational segregation are concerned. Both female and male doctors are currently seeking - with some effect - to resist thepressures of medicine on family life.
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The end of the Cold War did not bring about an end to violence in Central America. Today, so-called non-political violence continues to worsen. Academics and public policymakers are frequently influenced by the assumption that there is a causal relationship between the political violence of the 1980s and the non-political violence of today. By looking at the cases of El Salvador and Honduras, this working paper seeks to systematize existing claims about the causal relationship between past and present violence into two approaches. Our research shows that high levels of prolonged political violence, along with an abundance of firearms, can lead to high levels of prolonged non-political violence but not in the ways most often cited in existing literature. We propose a new model to better understand the connection between past and present violence and recommend indicators that can be used to measure variations in violence over time in contexts of protracted non-political violence.
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L'objectif de cette recherche est d'interroger la place, la valeur et l'appréhension de la violence comme un moyen de revendication politique dans un pays comme la Suisse qui s'est construit un mythe de non-violence. Son système de démocratie directe, son aisance économique, sa stabilité politique et sa neutralité seraient censés l'épargner à la fois des insurrections violentes et des conflits internationaux. Toutefois, une recherche dans les archives de la presse nationale révèle que pour la période étudiée, entre 1950 et 2000, la Suisse a vécu les actions collectives violentes provenant des séparatistes et des anti-séparatistes jurassiens, de l'extrême gauche et de l'extrême droite. Le pays a également été le terrain des actions violentes provenant de mouvements de lutte armée clandestins allemands, italiens ainsi que des attentats organisés par des mouvements arabes, comme le Front Populaire de Libération de la Palestine (FPLP). Avec une approche mettant l'accent sur les acteurs, plusieurs axes de recherches ont été développés, notamment la fonction de l'action violente pour les individus et les mouvements qui y ont recouru afin d'exprimer une revendication, qu'elle ait été politique, sociale ou culturelle, et la façon dont le gouvernement suisse a perçu le danger représenté par les différents courants politiques. La question des réseaux développés avec les organisations de lutte armée clandestines a été abordée avec les cas de l'Allemagne et de l'Italie, pour ce qui est des mouvements établis en Europe, puis, avec les organisations issues des pays arabes, notamment le FPLP. L'analyse articule une réflexion à la fois empirique et théorique, ne perdant jamais de vue que la notion de violence est le lieu privilégié de jugements de valeur et que sa signification varie selon d'où provient le discours.