889 resultados para Transnational Civil Society
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The province of Mendoza, in the west of the Argentine Republic is in a favorable political conjuncture to strengthen the territorial planning in the municipalities. This is due to the approval of the Provincial Law 8051 of Territorial Ordering and Municipal Ground Uses that establish terms to formulate a Plan Provincial Territorial Ordering and Plans; against this background the municipalities have an annotated time to elaborate their own Plan. On the other hand the civil society is giving awareness signs on its protagónico paper like controller of the public policies, generating propitious scopes for the participativas social practices and circulation of the knowledge. This verifies in the social reactions front to decisions that can affect the atmosphere and the resources of the territory. In spite of this favorable context to fortify the instances of social participation it jeopardize with projects based on territorial intelligence, are observed very different institutional answers. The greater obstacles are within such municipalities, lack territorial conscience in the municipal agents and the handling of the information is fragmented. Taking into account the marks from reference that affect the provincial territorial policy, an investigation was made in order to analyze the practices of participativa planning in municipal scopes. Interviews, studies of case and qualification of municipal agents were combined, which allowed triangular results and of obtaining a socioterritorial differentiation of the municipalities of Mendoza. This result is a departure point to consider at the time of making proposals for a work agenda or trying transformations towards a new form to govern, where the associate management is multiplied. Before a same frame of provincial reference, the particular answers of the municipalities are improving, but the majority requires to cross a gradual own way with the qualification of the human resource and with a renovation of guidelines in relation to the local community
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En esta ponencia estudiamos la conformación del Departamento de Ingenieros, sus múltiples atribuciones y los cambios que se fueron sucediendo entre su creación en 1875 y su supresión en 1913, un período fundamental para la provincia porque se trata de la época de las últimas entregas de tierra pública (más de 4 millones de hectáreas) y de los infructuosos intentos por controlar las inundaciones en la zona productiva ya ocupada. Nos interesa determinar la relación entre la toma de decisiones, la gestión técnica y económica, los cambios en la política y la economía bonaerense. Estudiamos las relaciones entre las distintas especialidades de la ingeniería y la agrimensura que llevaron a la conformación del Departamento de Ingenieros con muchas más atribuciones, entre las que se encuentran las que tenía el Departamento Topográfico. La creciente especialización de los saberes, evidentemente, estaba impactando no solamente en la disciplina, sino que se expresaba en la especificidad de las agencias estatales, que se iban complejizando para poder abarcar el cúmulo de intereses del estado y de la sociedad civil en torno al territorio
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The City Educator Program is articulated with PROEX-Pro - Deanship Culture and Student Affairs through the Directorate of Extension, along with the Institute of Geography, Faculty of Architecture, Urban Planning and Design Institute and the City Futura Pro. Program is conducted since 2008 by the Federal University of Uberlândia and Motion City Futura. The outreach program aims to promote democratic governance and smart planning municipal and regional level, enabling public and social (government technicians, law enforcement officers, and civil society leaders) seeking implementation of legal instruments, urban and tributaries in the counties of Araguari and Uberlândia, established in the City Statute and Master Plans, and the Fiscal Responsibility, Social Rights established by the Constitution, and all the instruments of social control in the municipalities involved. The methodology includes content developed through dynamic, research participant, group work and exposure dialogue. The results were relevant to holding the Course on Urban Management and Sustainable Democratic, Uberlândia A Forum for Sustainable Leadership Training Course Ethical and Sustainable, Community Workshops Seminars in Neighborhoods assessment; Map Workshop Speaker, Research Participants, Seminars and Interactive Campaigns Mobilization office in the territory. Were produced articles, reports and reflections that are public in book form. At the end of the implementation of program activities, the municipal governments, entities and non-governmental organizations as well as citizens who, directly or indirectly, involved with the program, attended the final seminar where, besides the presentation of results, was made, collectively, evaluation and assessment of all activities
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El artículo trata sobre la institución de las bibliotecas populares en la Argentina entre 1870 y 1875. Mediante el estudio de diversos documentos, se analizan los siguientes aspectos y sus mutuas relaciones: a. las vinculaciones entre la sociedad civil y el Estado implícitas en el dispositivo legal de fomento a las bibliotecas; b. las responsabilidades asumidas por oficina gubernamental a cargo la política bibliotecaria y la manera en que se construyó un saber especializado en la materia; c. el papel preponderante del Boletín de las bibliotecas populares como instancia de articulación entre las asociaciones y el Estado; d. los resultados cuantitativos obtenidos en la fase fundacional. En el cierre del trabajo se valoran los resultados expuestos en función de la significación histórica que tiene este período como inauguración de una manera concebir la expansión de las bibliotecas de acceso público
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En los años sesenta del siglo XX la región pampeana vivía una etapa de modernización y expansión productiva que fue acompañada de una mayor urbanización de la población. Esta situación no significó que desapareciera el interés en definir el lugar de las familias en la explotación agrícola antes bien pensamos que se intensificó y complejizó. El objetivo del presente artículo es analizar el papel atribuido a la familia del productor pequeño o mediano y los roles asignados a sus distintos miembros, en su participación en el desarrollo rural pampeano, desde el Estado y la sociedad civil, a través del análisis de publicaciones periódicas provenientes de esos sectores.
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El desarrollo local ambientalmente sostenible del territorio pondera variables económicas, sociales y ambientales, y en él es esencial la legitimidad política: necesita ser construido por consenso en un ámbito democrático. La articulación entre los actores sociales (Estado, sociedad civil y mercado) constituye una dimensión relevante para su logro. El objeto del presente artículo1 es identificar las potencialidades y restricciones de la articulación municipio organizaciones no gubernamentales para la gestión de problemáticas ambientales, teniendo en cuenta el papel que en tal relación juega la comunidad científica local. El recorte espacial válido para la investigación es el Municipio de Luján en la Provincia de Buenos Aires, que cuenta con gran cantidad y diversidad de ONG, cumple con las condiciones de escala poblacional para el desarrollo local y en el que se emplaza la sede central de la Universidad Nacional de Luján.
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Este trabajo se propone discutir la caracterización de ciertas prácticas de patronazgo en la Atenas Clásica como formas de "clientelismo estatal". Para la pólis griega las definiciones de estado no parecen adecuarse a sus prácticas sociales. Concretamente, la existencia de relaciones políticas ejercidas por la democracia, expresión del poder del dêmos, no expresan relaciones políticas que permitan una exclusividad en el monopolio de la coerción. En consecuencia, no hay ni separación entre sociedad civil y sociedad política, ni tampoco hay un aparato político que se distinga en su ejercicio sobre aquellos que constituyen el cuerpo soberano. De este modo la existencia de relaciones de patronazgo parecen ubicarse en la tensión surgida entre los mecanismos de reciprocidad y redistribución que los miembros de la elite usufructúan como modo de adquirir prestigio y preponderancia política en el seno de su comunidad, y las demandas del pueblo, de modo que a este último le resulta posible instrumentarlas a su favor
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Este artículo busca describir y analizar las acciones y reacciones que generó sobre el discurso y práctica del actor social cooperativo, la crisis del cultivo algodonero durante los años '60 en la Argentina. Se toma el caso de la Cooperativa Agrícola Algodonera La Banda Limitada (CAALBA) de Santiago del Estero. Asociación de pequeños productores inserta en un entramado de relaciones con instituciones de la sociedad civil y el Estado que -en términos gramscianos- fueron compartimentos con interacción en el marco de las disputas hegemónicas sobre el proyecto de desarrollo social. Se presentan también a lo largo del trabajo a la CAALBA ante estos nuevos escenarios, así como fue la Corporación del Río Dulce
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A short paper for dissemination based on a research piece published by the E15Initiative: Subsidies, Clean Energy, and Climate Change, February 2015. Implemented jointly by ICTSD and the World Economic Forum, the E15Initiative convenes world-class experts and institutions to generate strategic analysis and recommendations for government, business, and civil society geared towards strengthening the global trade and investment system. The paper is also published in Spanish and Portuguese.
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A new E15 Think Piece by Ilaria Espa produced under the E15Initiative (E15). Implemented jointly by the International Centre for Trade and Sustainable Development (ICTSD) and the World Economic Forum, the E15 convenes world-class experts and institutions to generate strategic analysis and recommendations for government, business and civil society geared towards strengthening the global trade system. This paper considers concrete policy options to better regulate the use of export restrictions in relation to extractive industries. It briefly describes recent trends in the use of export restrictions on mineral and energy resources. It gives an account of the main shortcomings in the WTO legal treatment of export restrictions. It accordingly discusses possible avenues for reforming existing WTO disciplines in the interest of secure access to supplies, while still taking into account the need to preserve some policy space for host countries to use such measures as legitimate development tools.
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During the past two decades in Thailand, non-governmental actors, such as NGOs, intellectuals, and people's organizations, have found widening opportunities to participate in policy formation and in the implementation of local development. The government has facilitated the formation of civil society forums, in the expectation of influencing local-level governance. The last two national five-year development plans were formulated after taking into account the voices of people in the provinces. Even though they may seem petty, some state funds are now transmitted through non-governmental institutions for policy implementation at the grassroots level. These changes have their origin in a reformation of rural development administration in early 1980s. This reformation in due course led to policies that have allowed the participation of non-governmental actors. Meanwhile, rural people have proved their ability to engage in participatory development by forming various local organizations, while NGOs have grown to be proficient facilitators of local development. This paper describes the process whereby three leading actors, namely the government, local people, and the NGOs, have interacted to bring about a more participatory system of local development administration.
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The paper examines policies and activities of cultural exchange carried out by Japanese national, local and private agents since the end of WWII. Methodologically, we distinctively use the notion culture as a tool and as an object of study, and to synthesize the two in full intention, based on the debate among IR students about so called Cultural Turn in IR theories. As case studies, the Japanese experiences are examined from two points. Firstly, it is compared with the German experiences in Europe, with special attention to the construction of national identity.In both countries, the peoples tried to make use of cultural exchange activities in the management of international relations. The actual developments of cultural relations by the two countries, however, were in striking contrast to each other. Secondly, our study focuses on the explosive expansion of private sector's international cultural exchange in the 1980s in association with so called "emerging civil society" phenomenon observed worldwide throughout 1970s and 1980s. By using our original approach mentioned in the Chapter 1, the paper tries to sketch out that the increase of the private organizations is largely the response of the Japanese society to outside influences, not something genuinely outgrown from within the society itself due to mainly domestic causes.
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Introduction:Today, many countries, regardless of developed or developing, are trying to promote decentralization. According to Manor, as his quoting of Nickson’s argument, decentralization stems from the necessity to strengthen local governments as proxy of civil society to fill the yawning gap between the state and civil society (Manor [1999]: 30). With the end to the Cold War following the collapse of the Soviet Union rendering the cause of the “leadership of the central government to counter communism” meaningless, Manor points out, it has become increasingly difficult to respond flexibly to changes in society under the centralized system. Then, what benefits can be expected from the effectuation of decentralization? Litvack-Ahmad-Bird cited the four points: attainment of allocative efficiency in the face of different local preferences for local public goods; improvement to government competitiveness; realization of good governance; and enhancement of the legitimacy and sustainability of heterogeneous national states (Litvack, Ahmad & Bird [1998]: 5). They all contribute to reducing the economic and social costs of a central government unable to respond to changes in society and enhancing the efficiency of state administration through the delegation of authority to local governments. Why did Indonesia have a go at decentralization? As Maryanov recognizes, reasons for the implementation of decentralization in Indonesia have never been explicitly presented (Maryanov [1958]: 17). But there was strong momentum toward building a democratic state in Indonesia at the time of independence, and as indicated by provisions of Article 18 of the 1945 Constitution, there was the tendency in Indonesia from the beginning to debate decentralization in association with democratization. That said debate about democratization was fairly abstract and the main points are to ease the tensions, quiet the complaints, satisfy the political forces and thus stabilize the process of government (Maryanov [1958]: 26-27). What triggered decentralization in Indonesia in earnest, of course, was the collapse of the Soeharto regime in May 1998. The Soeharto regime, regarded as the epitome of the centralization of power, became incapable of effectively dealing with problems in administration of the state and development administration. Besides, the post-Soeharto era of “reform (reformasi)” demanded the complete wipeout of the Soeharto image. In contraposition to the centralization of power was decentralization. The Soeharto regime that ruled Indonesia for 32 years was established in 1966 under the banner of “anti-communism.” The end of the Cold War structure in the late 1980s undermined the legitimate reason the centralization of power to counter communism claimed by the Soeharto regime. The factor for decentralization cited by Manor is applicable here. Decentralization can be interpreted to mean not only the reversal of the centralized system of government due to its inability to respond to changes in society, as Manor points out, but also the participation of local governments in the process of the nation state building through the more positive transfer of power (democratic decentralization) and in the coordinated pursuit with the central government for a new shape of the state. However, it is also true that a variety of problems are gushing out in the process of implementing decentralization in Indonesia. This paper discusses the relationship between decentralization and the formation of the nation state with the awareness of the problems and issues described above. Section 1 retraces the history of decentralization by examining laws and regulations for local administration and how they were actually implemented or not. Section 2 focuses on the relationships among the central government, local governments, foreign companies and other actors in the play over the distribution of profits from exploitation of natural resources, and examines the process of the ulterior motives of these actors and the amplification of mistrust spawning intense conflicts that, in extreme cases, grew into separation and independence movements. Section 3 considers the merits and demerits at this stage of decentralization implemented since 2001 and shed light on the significance of decentralization in terms of the nation state building. Finally, Section 4 attempts to review decentralization as the “opportunity to learn by doing” for the central and local governments in the process of the nation state building. In the context of decentralization in Indonesia, deconcentration (dekonsentrasi), decentralization (desentralisasi) and support assignments (tugas pembantuan; medebewind, a Dutch word, was used previously) are defined as follows. Dekonsentrasi means that when the central government puts a local office of its own, or an outpost agency, in charge of implementing its service without delegating the administrative authority over this particular service. The outpost agency carries out the services as instructed by the central government. A head of a local government, when acting for the central government, gets involved in the process of dekonsentrasi. Desentralisasi, meanwhile, occurs when the central government cedes the administrative authority over a particular service to local governments. Under desentralisasi, local governments can undertake the particular service at their own discretion, and the central government, after the delegation of authority, cannot interfere with how local governments handle that service. Tugas pembantuan occur when the central government makes local governments or villages, or local governments make villages, undertake a particular service. In this case, the central government, or local governments, provides funding, equipment and materials necessary, and officials of local governments and villages undertake the service under the supervision and guidance of the central or local governments. Tugas pembantuan are maintained until local governments and villages become capable of undertaking that particular service on their own.
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Of the Southeast Asian countries most badly affected by the 1997 financial crisis, Malaysia and Thailand remain the most unsettled by its political fallout. Their present political situations are not akin to 'politics as usual'. Instead, they capture the unpredicted outcomes of post-crisis struggles to reorganize structures of economic and political power. Comparing the situations in Malaysia and Thailand, this paper focuses on their differing state and civil society engagements with neoliberalism. It is suggested that the post-crisis contestations, sometimes tied to pre-crisis conflicts in political economy, left something of a stalemate: neither neoliberalism nor the social movements satisfactorily fulfilled their agendas in either country.
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Esta investigación presenta un modelo de gestión para el ámbito público local enmarcado en la Nueva Gestión Pública que aboga por una gestión más eficaz, eficiente y transparente, y que pone el acento en la consideración del administrado como cliente y en las capacidades gerenciales y de liderazgo de los directivos públicos por encima de la función burocrática clásica. Asumiendo el concepto de comunidad política, en el que los ciudadanos y los gobernantes son corresponsables de la concertación política y social, y se pone en valor el conocimiento de la sociedad civil para la toma de decisiones, este modelo se expresa a través de un plan de acción para el desarrollo local que incorpora la estrategia empresarial “gestión por proyectos”, entendidos éstos como todos los proyectos que recogen las necesidades e ideas de los afectados, y que de alguna manera contribuyen al cambio o ayudan a transformar la realidad para la mejora de la calidad de vida. La realidad objeto de estudio que inspira este modelo es el primer plan de inversiones llevado a cabo en los distritos madrileños de Villaverde y Usera. Las características propias de este plan fueron la voluntad y la habilidad de los poderes públicos para transformar una movilización social reivindicativa en un proceso de planificación como aprendizaje social, integrando a los ciudadanos en un innovador sistema de gestión de responsabilidad compartida. El resultado fue considerado un éxito, ya que se cumplió el objetivo de reequilibrio social y económico de ambos distritos con el conjunto de la ciudad de Madrid, gracias a las infraestructuras y equipamientos construidos, y a los programas sociales implementados. De hecho, al concluir el plan, los problemas que originaron la movilización social apenas tenían relevancia: droga (5%), falta de equipamientos (3%) y baja calidad de vida (5%). A raíz del aprendizaje de esta experiencia desarrollada durante el período 1998‐ 2003, se construyó una metodología de actuación que se ha materializado en los actuales Planes especiales de actuación en distritos y Planes de Barrio de la ciudad de Madrid. Las evaluaciones realizadas hasta ahora determinan que se está logrando una homogeneización territorial en la oferta municipal de bienes, servicios y equipamientos públicos, lo que contribuye a una mayor equidad económica y social, en definitiva, a una mejor calidad de vida. ABSTRACT This research presents a management model for the public sector local framed in the New Public Management that advocates a public management more effective, efficient and transparent, and that puts the accent on the consideration of the citizen as client and in managerial and leadership skills of public managers over the classic bureaucratic function. Embracing the concept of political community, in which citizens and governments are jointly responsible for the political and social dialogue, and highlights the knowledge of the civil society to the decision‐making, this model is expressed through an action plan for local development that incorporates the business strategy "management by projects', understood these as all the projects that reflected the needs and ideas of those affected, and that in some way contribute to the change or help to transform the reality for the improvement of the quality of life. The reality which is subject of study and inspires this model is the first investment plan carried out in the districts of Madrid Villaverde and Usera. The characteristics of this plan were the will and the ability of the public authorities to transform a social mobilization in a planning process as social learning, integrating to citizens in an innovative system of management of shared responsibility. The result was considered a success, since the target was met for social and economic balance of the two districts with the whole of the city of Madrid, thanks to the built infrastructure and equipment, and the social programs implemented. In fact, at the end of the plan, the problems that led to the social mobilization had little relevance: drugs (5 %), lack of equipment (3 %) and low quality of life (5 %). As a result of learning from this experience developed during the period 1998‐ 2003, was built a methodology of performance which has been materialized in the current plans for special action in districts and plans of neighborhood of the city of Madrid. The evaluations conducted until now determine that the plans are achieving a territorial homogenization in the municipal supply of goods, services and public facilities, which contributes to a better economic and social equity, ultimately, to a better quality of life.