Physical layer development in third generation protocol software architecture

Diplomityön tavoitteena oli kehittää kolmannen sukupolven fyysistä protokollakerrosta matkapuhelimen ohjelmistoarkkitehtuurille. Kolmannen sukupolven matkapuhelinjärjestelmät ovat aikaisempia järjestelmiä monimutkaisempia. Ohjelmiston koon ja monimutkaisuuden sekä aikataulujen kiireellisyyden vuoksi on tullut tarve ottaa käyttöön formaaleja menetelmiä ohjelmiston kehitystyöhön. Formaalit kuvauskielet mahdollistavat tarkan, yksiselitteisen ja simuloitavissa olevan järjestelmäkuvauksen muodostamisen. Fyysinen protokollakerros tarjoaa tiedon siirtoa ylemmille protokollakerroksille. Tämän tiedonsiirron hallinta vaatii protokollakerrosten välistä viestinvälitystä. Formaaleja kuvauskieliä käyttämällä voidaan viestinvälityksen toteutusta automatisoida ja siinä tarvittavaa logiikkaa havainnollistaa. Työssä suunniteltiin, toteutettiin ja testattiin ylempien protokollakerrosten kanssa kommunikoivaa osaa fyysisestä protokollakerroksesta. Tuloksena saatiin solunvalintatoiminnallisuuden vaatiman kommunikoinnin ja tilakoneen toteutus ohjelmistoarkkitehtuurissa. Ohjelmistonkehityksen alkuvaiheiden havaittiin olevan fyysisen kerroksen suorituskyvyn kannalta merkittävässä asemassa, koska tällöin viestinvälityksen optimointi on helpointa. Formaalit kuvauskielet eivät ole sellaisenaan täysin soveltuvia tarkoin määritellyn ohjelmistoarkkitehtuurin osien kehitykseen.

From 'Security for Privacy' to 'Privacy for Security'

This article envisions the use of context-awareness to improve single sign-on solutions (SSO) for mobile users. The attribute-based SSO is expected to increase users' perceived ease of use of the system and service providers' authentication security of the application. From these two features we derive two value propositions for a new business model for mobile platforms. The business model can be considered as an instantiation of the privacy-friendly business model pattern presented in our previous work, reinforcing our claim that privacy-friendly value propositions are possible and can be used to obtain a competitive advantage.

Evaluation of the indication for surgical extraction of third molars according to the oral surgeon and the primary care dentist. Experience in the Master of Oral Surgery and Implantology at Barcelona University Dental School

Introduction: Third molar extraction is the most frequent procedure in oral surgery. The present study evaluates the indication of third molar extraction as established by the primary care dentist (PCD) and the oral surgeon, and compares the justification for extraction with the principal reason for patient consultation. Patients and method: A descriptive study was made of 319 patients subjected to surgical removal of a third molar in the context of the Master of Oral Surgery and Implantology (Barcelona University Dental School, Barcelona, Spain) between July 2004 and March 2005. The following parameters were evaluated: sex, age, molar, type of impaction, position according to the classifications of Pell and Gregory and of Winter, and the reasons justifying extraction. Results: The lower third molars were the most commonly extracted molars (73.7%). A total of 69.6% of the teeth were covered by soft tissues only. Fifty-six percent of the lower molars corresponded to Pell and Gregory Class IIB, while 42.1% were in the vertical position. The most common reason for patient reference to our Service of Oral Surgery on the part of the PCD was prophylactic removal (51.0% versus 46.1% in the case of the oral surgeon). Discussion and conclusions. Our results show prophylaxis to be the principal indication of third molar extraction, followed by orthodontic reasons. Regarding third molars with associated clinical symptoms or signs, infectious disease-including pericoronitis- was the pathology most often observed by the oral surgeon, followed by caries. This order of frequency was seen to invert in the case of third molars referred for extraction by the PCD. A vertical position predominated among the third molars with associated pathology

Standardisation process of Universal Mobile Telecommunication System in Third Generation Partnership Project

Third Generation Partnership Project (3GPP) on organisaatio, joka määrittelee ja ylläpitää kolmannen sukupolven matkapuhelinverkon standardeja. Organisaatio luotiin monien eri standardointielinten toimesta havaittaessa, ettei maailmanlaajuista kolmannen sukupolven matkapuhelinteknologiaa voitaisi määritellä ilman laajaa yhteistyötä. 3GPP:ssä standardointityö on jakautunut usealle tekniselle määrittelyryhmälle. Jokaisen ryhmän tehtävänä on kehittää määrittelyjä ja raportteja omalla vastuualueellaan. 3GPP:ssä määrittelytyötä tehdään samanaikaisesti teknillisten määrittelyryhmien välillä. Tämä vaatii tiukkoja sääntöjä määrittelyjen luonti-, hyväksyntä- ja ylläpitotehtäviin. Vain siten on mahdollista hallita määrittelyihin tulevia muutoksia ja tarvittavaa kokonaistyömäärää. Tämä diplomityö kuvaa 3GPP:n määrittelemän UMTS-teknologian. Työssä keskitytään tarkemmin 3GPP-organisaation rakenteeseen, määritysten tekemiseen ja työskentelytapoihin. Tämä diplomityö osoittaa millainen organisaatio ja säännöt vaaditaan maailmanlaajuisen matkapuhelinjärjestelmän kehittämiseen.

More than Words? An Analysis on the Language and Structure of General Election Manifestos of the British Labour Party 1983-2005

The topic of this study is the language of the educational policies of the British Labour party in the General Election manifestos between the years 1983-2005. The twenty-year period studied has been a period of significant changes in world politics, and in British politics, especially for the Labour party. The emergence educational policy as a vote-winner of the manifestos of the nineties has been noteworthy. The aim of the thesis is two-fold: to look at the structure of the political manifesto as an example of genre writing and to analyze the content utilizing the approach of critical discourse analysis. Furthermore, the aim of this study is not to pinpoint policy positions but to look at what is the image that the Labour Party creates of itself through these manifestos. The analysis of the content is done by a method of close-reading. Based on the findings, the methodology for the analysis of the content was created. This study utilized methodological triangulation which means that the material is analyzed from several methodological aspects. The aspects used in this study are ones of lexical features (collocation, coordination, euphemisms, metaphors and naming), grammatical features (thematic roles, tense, aspect, voice and modal auxiliaries) and rhetoric (Burke, Toulmin and Perelman). From the analysis of the content a generic description is built. By looking at the lexical, grammatical and rhetorical features a clear change in language of the Labour Party can be detected. This change is foreshadowed already in the 1992 manifesto but culminates in the 1997 manifesto which would lead Labour to a landslide victory in the General Election. During this twenty-year period Labour has moved away from the old commitments and into the new sphere of “something for everybody”. The pervasiveness of promotional language and market inspired vocabulary into the sphere of manifesto writing is clear. The use of the metaphors seemed to be the tool for the creation of the image of the party represented through the manifestos. A limited generic description can be constructed from the findings based on the content and structure of the manifestos: especially more generic findings such as the use of the exclusive we, the lack of certain anatomical parts of argument structure, the use of the future tense and the present progressive aspect can shed light to the description of the genre of manifesto writing. While this study is only the beginning, it proves that the combination of looking at the lexical, grammatical and rhetorical features in the study of manifestos is a promising one.

Third International Congress on Epilepsy, Brain, and Mind: Part 2.

Epilepsy is both a disease of the brain and the mind. Here, we present the second of two papers with extended summaries of selected presentations of the Third International Congress on Epilepsy, Brain and Mind (April 3-5, 2014; Brno, Czech Republic). Humanistic, biologic, and therapeutic aspects of epilepsy, particularly those related to the mind, were discussed. The extended summaries provide current overviews of epilepsy, cognitive impairment, and treatment, including brain functional connectivity and functional organization; juvenile myoclonic epilepsy; cognitive problems in newly diagnosed epilepsy; SUDEP including studies on prevention and involvement of the serotoninergic system; aggression and antiepileptic drugs; body, mind, and brain, including pain, orientation, the "self-location", Gourmand syndrome, and obesity; euphoria, obsessions, and compulsions; and circumstantiality and psychiatric comorbidities.

Internationalization dynamics in the Swiss Corporate Tax Reform III

Over the last years, in a context of international tax competition, international and regional institutions such as the G20, the OECD, and the European Union are redefining what is acceptable in terms of corporate fiscal policy. Certain Swiss preferential tax treatments are considered by the above-mentioned institutions as harmful tax practices. As a consequence, the Swiss government has planned a third corporate tax reform (CTR III). The objective of this reform is to ensure international acceptability of the corporate tax system without prejudicing local public finances and Swiss corporate tax attractiveness. Therefore, we can posit that the CTR III is an internationalized object influenced by both regulation trends and tax competition framework. The main purpose of this paper is to provide elements of answer on how the currently discussed CTR III is influenced by the international environment, by focusing on its content as well as the reactions and positions of local stakeholders. With the help of internationalization literature, two distinct internationalization processes have been identified through the propositions of compliance measures with internationally-defined standards and competitiveness-enhancing measures. With regard to the configuration of local actors, the degree of conflict seems to be rather high. The current content of the reform is supported by the business community and right-wing parties and rejected by the unions and the Socialist Party.

Bupivacaine 0.5 % versus articaine 4 % for the removal of lower third molars. A crossover randomized controlled trial

Objective: To compare the anesthetic action of 0.5% bupivacaine in relation to 4% articaine, both with 1:200,000 epinephrine, in the surgical removal of lower third molars. As a secondary objective hemodynamic changes using both anesthetics were analyzed. Study Design: Triple-blind crossover randomized clinical trial. Eighteen patients underwent bilateral removal of impacted lower third molars using 0.5% bupivacaine or 4% articaine in two different appointments. Preoperative, intraoperative and postoperative variables were recorded. Differences were assessed with McNemar tests and repeated measures ANOVA tests. Results: Both solutions exhibited similar latency times and intraoperative efficacy. Statistical significant lower pain levels were observed with bupivacaine between the fifth (p=0.011) and the ninth (p=0.007) postoperative hours. Bupivacaine provided significantly longer lasting soft tissue anesthesia (p<0.05). Systolic blood pressure and heart rate values were significantly higher with articaine. Conclusions: Bupivacaine could be a valid alternative to articaine especially due to its early postoperative pain prevention ability.

How Party Linkages Shape Austerity Politics: Clientelism and Fiscal Adjustment in Greece and Portugal during the Eurozone Crisis

Drawing on an analysis of austerity reforms in Greece and Portugal during the sovereign debt crisis from 2009 onwards, we show how the nature of the linkages between parties and citizens shapes party strategies of fiscal retrenchment. We argue that parties which rely to a greater extent on the selective distribution of state resources to mobilize electoral support (clientelistic linkages) are more reluctant to agree to fiscal retrenchment because their own electoral survival depends on their ability to control state budgets to reward clients. In Greece, where parties relied extensively on these clientelistic linkages, austerity reforms have been characterized by recurring conflicts and disagreements between the main parties, as well as a fundamental transformation of the party system. By contrast, in Portugal, where parties relied less on clientelistic strategies, austerity reforms have been more consensual because fiscal retrenchment challenged to a lesser extent the electoral base of the mainstream parties.

Europeanization or Party Politics? Explaining Government Choice for Corporatist Concertation

This article assesses whether changes in government choice for policy concertation with trade unions and employers are better explained by international or domestic factors. We compare patterns of corporatist governance in a strongly Europeanized policy domain (labor migration policy) and in a weakly Europeanized policy domain (welfare state reforms) over the last 20 years in Austria and Switzerland. We show that there is no systematic difference in patterns of concertation between the two policy sectors and that factors linked to party politics play a bigger role in the choice of governments for concertation. If the base of party support for policies is divided, governments are more prone to resort to corporatist concertation as a way to build compromises for potentially controversial or unpopular policies. By contrast, ideologically cohesive majority coalitions are less prone to resort to concertation because they do not need to build compromises outside their base of party support.

Entre culture du consensus et critique sociale : les intellectuels de gauche dans la Suisse de l'après-guerre (1945-1968)

Cette thèse étudie l'engagement des intellectuels de gauche dans la vie politique suisse, de 1945 à 1968. D'une part, il s'agit de retracer l'évolution du statut des intellectuels, que ce soit dans ou hors des partis. D'autre part, il est question d'analyser les débats politiques au sein desquels ces intellectuels furent impliqués, et la manière dont ces débats suscitèrent des clivages entre eux. De ce point de vue, nous mettons en lumière les différents courants et groupes formés par les intellectuels progressistes, souvent structurés autour de revues ; il s'agit aussi bien d'étudier l'engagement de personnalités sociales-démocrates que des communistes prosoviétiques, sans oublier les chrétiens pacifistes ou les intellectuels proches de la gauche radicale antistalinienne. S'agissant de l'évolution du statut des acteurs étudiés, ce travail souligne le déclin de la figure de l'intellectuel de gauche organiquement lié à son parti, souvent issu du milieu ouvrier, au profit d'intellectuels critiques, généralement au bénéfice d'une formation académique et revendiquant une certaine autonomie par rapport aux organisations politiques. Du point de vue des débats politiques, l'engagement des intellectuels de gauche est envisagé à la lumière de trois périodes. Tout d'abord, nous étudions la phase de l'immédiat après-guerre (1945-1949), marquée par une poussée de la gauche, y compris prosoviétique, qui met en cause le conservatisme politique issu des années de Mobilisation. Nous étudions ensuite les années les plus tendues de la guerre froide, entre 1950 et 1962, durant lesquelles la vie politique et intellectuelle en Suisse est dominée par un fort anticommunisme, auquel se rallient les dirigeants du Parti socialiste. Pourtant, l'engagement de certains intellectuels progressistes, en particulier dans le mouvement pacifiste, met en cause le consensus politique de guerre froide. Enfin, dans une troisième partie, nous montrons comment la critique intellectuelle de gauche se renforce après 1962, à la faveur de la détente Est-Ouest sur le plan international, et avec l'essor, en Suisse même, du mouvement des « non- conformistes ». Ce mouvement est animé par des intellectuels qui dénoncent le conservatisme helvétique, les excès de l'anticommunisme ou qui affirment leur solidarité avec les travailleurs immigrés en Suisse, aussi bien qu'avec les mouvements sociaux dans les pays du tiers-monde. Nous montrons en particulier comment l'engagement de ces intellectuels progressistes contribue à préparer le terrain pour les mobilisations de la jeunesse qui surviendront dans les « années 1968 ». -- This thesis adresses the political commitment of left-wing intellectuals in Switzerland between 1945 and 1968. It aims, on the one hand, to examine how the status of intellectuals developed within and outside of political parties. On the other hand, it endeavours to understand the political debates that involved and sometimes split these intellectuals. In this intent, we examine the various political orientations and formations that brought left-wing intellectuals together - often around dedicated periodicals - such as the Social-democratic, the Communist, the Christian Progressist or the anti-Stalinist Marxist movements. Regarding the evolving status of left-wing opinion leaders, we observe the decline of the organic, party-affiliated intellectuals - often from a working class background. By contrast, critical academics - left-wing oriented but.not directly linked to a political formation - became prevailing figures. Concerning left-wing intellectuals' involvement in the political debate, we differentiate three historical periods. Firstly, the immediate postwar years (1945-1949) were characterised by the strengthening of a left-wing faction, including pro-Soviet forces, which criticized the conservative political consensus built up during the War. Secondly, during the most tense years of the Cold War (1950-1962), the Swiss political and intellectual life became widely dominated by a strong anticommunism, supported by the Social-Democratic leaders. Still, the commitment of certain progressist intellectuals, particularly in the pacifist movement, called into question the political consensus resulting from the Cold War. This questioning strengthened after 1962, in the context of the Détente, corresponding to the rise of the "non-conformist" movement. This movement stemmed from progressist intellectuals, who criticized the Swiss conservatism, and the excesses of official anticommunism, while declaring their solidarity with immigrant workers or with the social movements in the Third World. We show in particular how these intellectuals paved the way for the youth mobilization due to occur in the "1968 years".