Do domestic interests matter? – Der Einfluss nationaler Interessengruppen auf die Position von Staaten zur Umweltpolitik auf EU-Ebene

Wie kann man Ergebnisse internationaler Umweltpolitik erklären? Wie hilfreich ist dabei die liberale Theorie der Internationalen Beziehungen (IB) von Andrew Moravcsik? Die vorliegende Arbeit versucht diese Fragen anhand eines Fallbeispiels internationaler Umweltpolitik – der Position der Bundesrepublik Deutschland bezüglich der einzelnen Streitfragen der EU-Verordnung 443/2009 über den CO2-Ausstoß von Automobilen – zu beantworten. Es wird eine theoriegeleitete Außenpolitikanalyse durchgeführt, deren Hauptaugenmerk auf der spezifischen nationalen Präferenzbildung in einem bestimmten Fall liegt. Hier weist Moravcsiks Theorie eine „Lücke“ auf. Wessen Interessen sich aus welchen Gründen in einer bestimmten Situation wie durchsetzen und damit Politik beeinflussen bleibt unklar. Deshalb erweitert die Arbeit Moravcsiks liberale Theorie der IB mithilfe von Annahmen und Erkenntnissen aus der Verbändeforschung nach innen. Auf diese Weise werden die situationsspezifischen Interessen und die situationsspezifische Durchsetzungsfähigkeit der betroffenen Akteure – nationale Interessengruppen – erhoben und untersucht, inwiefern man mit ihrer Hilfe die deutsche Position zur EU-Verordnung 443/2009 erklären kann. Empirisch erweist sich dabei, dass die Position der BRD zu acht von neun Streitfragen der EU-Verordnung 443/2009 den Interessen einer Koalition aus Industriegewerkschaft (IG) Metall und Verband der Automobilindustrie (VDA) entsprach, weil diese im vorliegenden Fall mit Abstand die größte Durchsetzungsfähigkeit aufwiesen. Lediglich bezüglich einer Streitfrage wich die Position der BRD von den Interessen von IG Metall und VDA ab. Damit lässt sich festhalten: Die Position der BRD zur EU-Verordnung 443/2009 kann weitgehend mithilfe der nach innen erweiterten liberalen Theorie nach Andrew Moravcsik erklärt werden. Trotz möglicher Schwierigkeiten bei der Übertragung erscheint daher eine Anwendung des nach innen erweiterten Liberalismus auf weitere erklärungsbedürftige Phänomene der internationalen Umweltpolitik und damit eine Überprüfung der Theorie insgesamt eine interessante und sinnvolle Aufgabe zu sein.

L'amministrazione Johnson e le origini della distensione. 1964-1968

La tesi analizza una parte della politica estera dell’amministrazione Johnson, e più specificamente l’avvio del dialogo con l’Urss in materia di non proliferazione e controllo degli armamenti e la revisione della China policy, inquadrando entrambe nell’adattamento della cold war strategy all’evoluzione sistema internazionale, argomentando che la distensione intesa come rilassamento delle tensioni e ricerca di terreno comune per il dialogo, fosse perlomeno uno degli strumenti politici che l’amministrazione scelse di usare. Il primo capitolo analizza i cambiamenti che interessarono il Blocco sovietico e il movimento comunista internazionale tra la fine degli anni Cinquanta e l’inizio degli anni Sessanta, soprattutto la rottura dell’alleanza sino-sovietica, e l’impatto che essi ebbero sul sistema bipolare su cui si basava la Guerra Fredda. Il capitolo secondo affronta più specificamente l’evoluzione delle relazioni tra Stati Uniti e Unione Sovietica, il perseguimento di una politica di distensione, dopo la crisi dei missili cubani, e in che relazione si trovasse ciò con lo status della leadership sovietica a seguito dei cambiamenti che avevano avuto luogo. Soffermandosi sulla questione del controllo degli armamenti e sul percorso che portò alla firma del Trattato di Non-proliferazione, si analizza come la nuova rotta intrapresa col dialogo sulle questioni strategiche sia stato anche un cambiamento di rotta in generale nella concezione della Guerra Fredda e l’introduzione della distensione come strumento politico. Il terzo capitolo affronta la questione della modifica della politica verso Pechino e il processo tortuoso e contorto attraverso cui l’amministrazione Johnson giunse a distaccarsi dalla China policy seguita sino ad allora.

Giochi diplomatici. Sport e politica estera nell'Italia del secondo dopoguerra (1943-1953)

Questa tesi di dottorato, partendo dall’assunto teorico secondo cui lo sport, pur essendo un fenomeno periferico e non decisivo del sistema politico internazionale, debba considerarsi, in virtù della sua elevata visibilità, sia come un componente delle relazioni internazionali sia come uno strumento di politica estera, si pone l’obiettivo di investigare, con un approccio di tipo storico-politico, l’attività internazionale dello sport italiano nel decennio che va dal 1943 al 1953. Nello specifico viene dedicata una particolare attenzione agli attori e alle istituzioni della “politica estera sportiva”, al rientro dello sport italiano nel consesso internazionale e alla sua forza legittimante di attrazione culturale. Vengono approfonditi altresì alcuni casi relativi a «crisi politiche» che influirono sullo sport e a «crisi sportive» che influenzarono la politica. La ricerca viene portata avanti con lo scopo primario di far emergere, da un lato se e quanto coscientemente lo sport sia stato usato come strumento di politica estera da parte dei governi e della diplomazia dell’Italia repubblicana, dall’altro quanto e con quale intensità lo sviluppo dell’attività internazionale dello sport italiano abbia avuto significative ripercussioni sull’andamento e dai rapporti di forza della politica internazionale.

La cooperazione dell'UE nella creazione di uno spazio sicuro nella globalizzazione come possibile modello per la regione dell'Asia Centrale

Gli ultimi anni hanno visto importanti cambiamenti positivi nella cooperazione interstatale in Asia centrale. Crescenti minacce come il terrorismo internazionale, l'estremismo religioso e politico, il traffico di droga, ecc, causati dagli interessi geopolitici e geo-economici delle potenze mondiali, hanno contribuito alla formazione di una politica estera più coordinata e coerente degli Stati della regione. Questo processo si manifesta nella partecipazione attiva dell’istituzionalizzazione della Shanghai Organizzazione del Commonwealth (SOC), Conferenza sulle misure di costruzione d’interazione e fiducia in Asia (CICA) e Organizzazione del Trattato di Sicurezza Collettiva (CSTO). Problemi moderni di sicurezza in Asia centrale dovrebbero essere risolti in dei nuovi modi, non convenzionali. Le nuove minacce alla sicurezza richiedono modi non standard per risolvere il problema. Considerate le differenze fondamentali dell'Unione europea e degli Stati dell'Asia centrale nei valori e dal punto di vista in materia di sicurezza. I paesi dell'Asia centrale non sono pronti per l'integrazione politica. Nonostante questo, nell’Asia centrale sono state adottate misure per contrastare le minacce non convenzionali. L’esperienza europea di unire gli sforzi della regione per garantire la sicurezza interna, può essere utilizzata dai paesi dell'Asia centrale, soprattutto, in primo luogo sulla formazione del quadro istituzionale e giuridico per la cooperazione operativa delle forze dell'ordine per le seguenti aree: • prevenzione del traffico di droga attraverso gli Stati dell'Asia centrale; • lotta contro nuove forme di terrorismo ed estremismo; • limitare la dimensione della migrazione clandestina; • migliorare la protezione giuridica dei cittadini. Fino a poco tempo fa, questi temi hanno ricevuto poca attenzione, sia nella teoria sia nella pratica, poiché i problemi di sicurezza della società erano principalmente ridotti per evitare il pericolo di guerra.

Fremder Bruder: die Teilungssituation zwischen Süd- und Nordkorea im Spiegel des koreanischen Films seit dem Korea-Krieg

Als charakteristische Besonderheit in der koreanischen Geschichte besitzt der Korea-Krieg eine wichtige Position, so dass er bisher die gesamte Landesstruktur und -geschichte stark beeinflusst hat. Das gilt auch für die koreanische Filmgeschichte und nach dem Korea-Krieg im Jahr 1950 wurde in den Filmen das Thema „Landesteilung“ häufig aufgegriffen und bis heute oft behandelt.rnIn dieser Untersuchung werden solche Filme als Konflikt-Filme bezeichnet, die die Spaltung des Landes und die Beziehungen zu Nordkorea thematisieren, und insgesamt 60 Beispielfilme aus verschiedenen Filmgenres seit dem Ende des Korea-Kriegs bis zur Gegenwart analysiert und unter dem Aspekt beleuchtet, wie diese politischen und gesellschaftlichen Themen über das Verhältnis zwischen Süd- und Nordkorea repräsentiert werden. Mit Hilfe von Beispielfilmen wird versucht, herauszufinden, wie stark und unterschiedlich der Bruderkrieg und die davon abgeleitete Teilung des Landes in südkoreanischen Filmen im Wandel der Geschichte widergespiegelt werden. rnDiese Arbeit setzt sich zuerst mit Kracauers Spiegeltheorie, einer filmsoziologischen Theorie, und der Genretheorie als wichtigen theoretischen Überlegungen auseinander, um zu verdeutlichen, in welchem Bezug Konfliktfilme über die südkoreanische Gesellschaft angesehen werden und welche Rolle sie als Spiegel der Gesellschaft spielen, um gesellschaftliche Stimmungen, Bewusstseinsformen und Wünsche zu verdeutlichen. Dabei werden die kulturellen und gesellschaftlichen sowie filmwirtschaftlichen Aspekte berücksichtigt. rnDie vorliegende Arbeit bietet einen umfangreichen Überblick über den Konfliktfilm im südkoreanischen Kino seit dem Korea-Krieg. Die koreanischen Konflikt-Filme als regional-spezifische Filmkategorie stehen im engen Zusammenhang mit dieser politischen Situation und die Darstellung sowie Thematisierung Nordkoreas werden jeweils durch die verschiedenen Generationen der Filmemacher unterschiedlich präsentiert. Im südkoreanischen Diskurs bilden sie ein eigenes Genre, das alle klassischen und gemischten Filmgenres integriert; im Wandel der Geschichte haben sie sich dabei stetig weiterentwickelt, in engem Zusammenhang mit der Politik der verschiedenen Präsidenten Südkoreas gegenüber Nordkorea. rn

Non-State United States Support For The Contras During The Reagan Era

Under President Ronald Reagan, the White House pursued a complex foreign policy towards the Contras, rebels in trying to overthrow the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua, in Nicaragua. In 1979, the leftist Sandinista government seized power in Nicaragua. The loss of the previous pro-United States Somoza military dictatorship deeply troubled the conservatives, for whom eradication of communism internationally was a top foreign policy goal. Consequently, the Reagan Administration sought to redress the policy of his predecessor, Jimmy Carter, and assume a hard line stance against leftist regimes in Central America. Reagan and the conservatives within his administration, therefore, supported the Contra through military arms, humanitarian aid, and financial contributions. This intervention in Nicaragua, however, failed to garner popular support from American citizens and Democrats. Consequently, between 1982 and 1984 Congress prohibited further funding to the Contras in a series of legislation called the Boland Amendments. These Amendments barred any military aid from reaching the Contras, including through intelligence agencies. Shortly after their passage, Central Intelligence Agency Director William Casey and influential members of Reagan¿s National Security Council (NSC) including National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane, NSC Aide Oliver North, and Deputy National Security Advisor John Poindexter cooperated to identify and exploit loopholes in the legislation. By recognizing the NSC as a non-intelligence body, these masterminds orchestrated a scheme in which third parties, including foreign countries and private donors, contributed both financially and through arms donations to sustain the Contras independently of Congressional oversight. This thesis explores the mechanism and process of soliciting donations from private individuals, recognizing the forces and actors that created a situation for covert action to continue without detection. Oliver North, the main actor of the state, worked within his role as an NSC bureaucrat to network with influential politicians and private individuals to execute the orders of his superiors and shape foreign policy. Although Reagan articulated his desire for the Contras to remain a military presence in Nicaragua, he delegated the details of policy to his subordinates, which allowed this scheme to flourish. Second, this thesis explores the individual donors, analyzing their role as private citizens in sustaining and encouraging the policy of the Reagan Administration. The Contra movement found non-state support from followers of the New Right, demonstrated through financial and organizational assistance, that allowed the Reagan Administration¿s statistically unpopular policy in Nicaragua to continue. I interpret these donors as politically involved, but politically philanthropic, individuals, donating to their charity of choice to further the principles of American freedom internationally in a Cold War environment. The thesis then proceeds to assess the balance of power between the executive and other political actors in shaping policy, concluding that the executive cannot act alone in the formulation and implementation of foreign policy.

Central Europe in the Process of European Integration. A Comparative Study of the Strategies of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia towards the Deepening and Widening of the European Union

Membership of the European Union U is usually seen as a strategic goal of the associated states of central and eastern Europe. At the beginning of the 1990s central European countries, where the economic and political transformation was relatively advanced, received preferential treatment from the European Community, which was starting to evolve a policy of differentiation. Podraza studied the strategies of four central European countries towards changes under way in the European Union, analysing several aspects for each case: (1) the process of political transformation (2) decision-making structures in the field of foreign policy and European integration (3) integration strategies: (a) main foreign policy priorities (b) application for membership of the European Union (c) the Commission option on each country (d) accession partnership, including a National Programme for the Adoption of the Acquis (NPAA) (e) regular Commission reports (f) accession negotiations

The EU as an Effective Trade Power? Strategic Choice of Judicial Candidates in the Context of the World Trade Organization

Drawing on the European Union (EU) foreign policy literature on effectiveness, this article studies how the European Union chooses judges to serve on the World Trade Organization’s key judicial institution: the Appellate Body. Conceptually, the article differentiates between effectiveness in representation and effectiveness in impact. The article shows how delegation to the European Commission has increased the strategic agenda-setting power for championing its preferred candidates. The article further compares European and US practice in nominating candidates. Overall, the article finds that effectiveness in representation has increased over time. In terms of effectiveness in impact, the article shows how the international environment conditions the EU’s influence. The article also exposes the difficulties of studying the effectiveness of EU external relations due to the peculiar decision-making processes dominant in judicial bodies.

Low-Income Developing Countries and WTO Litigation: Why Wake Up the Sleeping Dog?

The World Trade Organization (WTO) is one of the most judicialized dispute settlement systems in international politics. While a general appreciation has developed that the system has worked quite well, research has not paid sufficient attention to the weakest actors in the system. This paper addresses the puzzle of missing cases of least-developed countries initiating WTO disputes settlement procedures. It challenges the existing literature on developing countries in WTO dispute settlement which predominantly focuses on legal capacity and economic interests. The paper provides an argument that the small universe of ‘actionable cases’, the option of free riding and the assessment of the perceived opportunity costs related to other foreign policy priorities better explain the absence of cases. In addition (and somewhat counterintuitively), we argue that the absence of cases is not necessarily bad news and shows how the weakest actors can use the dispute settlement system in a ‘lighter version’ or in indirect ways. The argument is empirically assessed by conducting a case study on four West African cotton-producing countries (C4) and their involvement in dispute settlement.

Swiss Shock: Minaret Rejection, European Values, and the Challenge of Tolerant neutrality

In 2009 Switzerland, for long an apparent beacon of European toleration and neutrality, voted to ban the erection of minarets. Internal religious matters are normally dealt with at the regional or local level – not at the level of the Swiss national parliament, although the state does seek to ensure good order and peaceful relations between different faith communities. Indeed, the freedom of these communities to believe and function publicly is enshrined in law. However, as a matter of national policy, now constitutionally embedded, one religious group, the Muslim group, is not permitted to build their distinctive religious edifice, the minaret. Switzerland may have joined the rest of Europe with respect to engaging the challenge of Islamic presence to European identity and values, but the rejection of a symbol of the presence of one faith – in this case, Islamic – by a society that is otherwise predominantly secular, pluralist, and of Christian heritage, poses significant concerns. How and why did this happen? What are the implications? This paper will discuss some of the issues involved, concluding the ban is by no means irreversible. Tolerant neutrality may yet again be a leitmotif of Swiss culture and not just of foreign policy.

Achievements and Challenges 20 Years after Beijing: A View from Switzerland

Despite being one of the world’s wealthiest countries and most modern economies, in Switzerland gender equality remains an elusive challenge. Paid maternity leave, legal abortion and an increase in women’s educational attainment are some of the milestones achieved since 1995, when the country was one of 189 states to adopt the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action at the Fourth World Conference on Women. But while legal gender equality may be nearly achieved, much remains to be done to achieve gender equality in practice. Rigid gender stereotypes, wage discrimination, women’s heavy care burden, segregation in the workplace, violence against women, under-representation of women in political and economic decision making, and structural obstacles to reconciling family duties with employment still stand in the way of gender equality. In order to realize gender equality, government, employers, politicians and civil society all need to take concrete and coordinated actions. These range from changes in the educational sector, in the labour market and in the social security system to an active foreign policy that promotes women’s human rights.

Geschichte unter der Schere politischer Zensur. Amtliche Aktensammlungen im internationalen Vergleich

Zala focuses his account on the edition of the "Documents on German Foreign Policy" - documents that the US army, at the end of the Second World War, uncovered hidden in Thuringia. They were confidential documents from the archives of the German Foreign Office that had been evacuated. After the war, the United States commenced to publish these documents. Especially the documents on German relations with the Soviet Union and the discovery of the top secret additional protocol to the Soviet-German non-aggression pact of 1939 - dividing Poland up between both states - made them an excellent tool in the Cold War. Zala shows how these documents were used politically, but also what kind of controversies went on because of them in diplomatic channels.

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 14 - Korrespondenzen u.a. mit Hugo Fischer und Karl August Wittfogel (p. I 7, 224-429)

1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an Rosel Favez, 03.12.1935; 5 Briefe zwischen Sidney B. Fay von der Bureau of International Search Cambridge, Massachusetts und Max Horkheimer, 1939-1941; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an James Feibleman, 02.03.1942; 5 Briefe von Hans Feibelmann an Max Horkheimer, 1936-1937; 2 Briefe zwischen Babette Feigenbaum und Max Horkheimer, 29.04.1941, 05.05.1941; 1 Brief von Arthur Feiler an Max Horkheimer, 15.10.1939; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an Adolf Feitler, 03.01.1935; 3 Briefe zwischen Frederick V. Filed von dem American Council Institute of Pacific Relations und Max Horkheimer, 1937, 05.04.1937; 9 Briefe zwischen Thea Field, Lowell Field und Max Horkheimer, 1935-1941; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an Finkelstein, 18.09.1941; 7 Briefe zwischen Harry Finkelstein und Max Horkheimer, 1936-1940; 1 Brief von Louis Finkelstein an Robert MacIver, 29.05.1940; 2 Briefe zwischen Louis Finkelstein und Max Horkheimer, 06.06.1940, 04.06.1940; 15 Briefe zwischen Hugo Fischer und Max Horkheimer, 1937-1938; 1 Brief von Hugo Fischer an P. Tillich; 1 Brief von Hugo Fischer an Karl A. Wittfogel, 17.06.1940; 2 Briefe von Max Horkheimer an Ernest Manheim, April 1942; 1 Brief von Alexander Farquharson an Max Horkheimer, 20.01.1940; 3 Briefe zwischen dem Institute of International Education, New York Edgar J. Fisher und Max Horkheimer, Oktober 1938, 18.10.1938; 10 Briefe zwischen Paul Fischer und Max Horkheimer, 1938-1940; 2 Briefe zwischen der Hessian Hills School New York und Max Horkheimer, 21.02.1938, 28.02.1938; 2 Briefe zwischen Dorothy Canfield Fisher und Max Horkheimer, 24.01.1939, 19.01.1939; 1 Brief von Ossip K. Flechtheim an Max Horkheimer, 04.01.1941; 2 Briefe zwischen der University of Minnesota, Minneapolis und Max Horkheimer, 02.08.1945, 15.09.1945; 3 Briefe zwischen Leo Löwenthal und Max Horkheimer, 1943-1945, 17.08.1945; 2 Briefe zwischen der University of Denver, Colorado und Max Horkheimer, 11.05.1943, 28.05.1943; 1 Brief von dem Institute Universitaire De Hautes Etudes Internationales Genf an Max Horkheimer, 25.01.1939; 1 Brief von Hans Kelsen an Max Horkheimer, 30.01.1939; Lebenslauf und 2 Empfehlungsschreiben von Max Fleischmann für Prof. Edwin Borchard; 1 Brief von der Columbia University in the City of New York an Franz Neumann, 17.04.1940; 3 Briefe zwischen Philipp Flesch und Max Horkheimer, 26.03.1940, 1939-1940; 17 Briefe zwischen Babette Fletcher, Theo Fletcher und Max Horkheimer, 1941-1950; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an Abraham Flexner, 07.06.1939; 1 Brief von Robert Fließ an Max Horkheimer, 24.10.1938; 1 Brief von der Foreign Policy Association New York an Max Horkheimer, 03.11.1934; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an Rudolf Forster, 10.01.1940; 2 Briefe von der Fortune Time & Life Building New York und Max Horkheimer, 1938-1940; 4 Briefe zwischen Siegmund H. Foulkes (Fuchs) und Max Horkheimer, 1936-1937, 31.12.1936; 5 Briefe zwischen Elsie M. Foulstone und Max Horkheimer, 1941; 1 Brief von Mary Fox an Max Horkheimer, 09.12.1938; 5 Briefe zwischen Ernst Fraenkel und Max Horkheimer, 1936-1938; 1 Heiratsanzeige Liesl Frank; 7 Briefe zwischen Philipp Frank und Max Horkheimer, 1937-1939; 6 Briefe zwischen Lothar G. Frank und Max Horkheimer, 1941; 7 Briefe zwischen Felix Frankfurter und Max Horkheimer, 1937-1941; 2 Briefe zwischen Joseph Freeman und Max Horkheimer, 22.11.1944; 1 Brief von der Free Synagogue New York an Max Horkheimer, 14.11.1938; 2 Briefe zwsichen Benjamin Freilichmann und Max Horkheimer, 07.01.1939, 23.01.1939; 2 Briefe zwischen dem Frenkel Travel Service New York und Max Horkheimer, 21.02.1936, 23.02.1936; 2 Briefe zwischen Hugo Freund und Max Horkheimer, 14.11.1938, 18.11.1938; 2 Briefe zwischen Julius A. Jr. Freynick und Max Horkheimer, 11.09.1939, 18.09.1939;

Los condicionantes internos de la política exterior

El trabajo tiene por objeto, en primera instancia, reconocer y diferenciar los presupuestos epistemológicos que proporcionó el pos estructuralismo y los efectos que estos tienen sobre las Relaciones Internacionales. En segundo lugar, remarcar el correlato que los primeros tienen con una revisión ontológica de lo "político". Finalmente, a partir de una sintética consideración sobre qué es política exterior, plantear la necesidad de adecuación de su estudio de cara a los interrogantes planteados por una nueva visión paradigmática.

El rol del Parlamento en la política exterior : Instrumentos analíticos para su estudio

El siguiente trabajo tiene por objeto una aproximación a los instrumentos analíticos que servirían de marco para el abordaje del rol del Parlamento en la conformación de la política exterior como objeto de estudio. El mismo propone la complementación teórica como punto de partida para el abordaje e identificación de dimensiones que no siendo propiedad exclusiva de dicho objeto permiten comprenderlo en profundidad.