La Ordenación del Territorio en las Ciudades Globales Europeas: El caso de Madrid

En la Comunidad de Madrid el modelo de ocupación del territorio en las dos últimas décadas ha obedecido a factores de oferta del mercado y no a las necesidades de la población, ello provoca un consumo de suelo y de recursos que conducen a una sobrexplotación insostenible. Las metrópolis globales están experimentando rápidas e intensas transformaciones, basadas en los paradigmas emergentes de la globalización, la gobernanza, la metropolizacion y la dispersión de las actividades en el territorio y a través de ellos se abordan los planes de Londres, París y las tentativas de Madrid. La globalización provoca la pérdida de soberanía de las administraciones publicas y la competitividad entre las ciudades globales en Europa, Londres, Paris y Madrid, son centros de poder, de concentración y crecimiento donde se produce la dualización del espacio y donde la desigualdad participa de la restructuración urbana, concentración de pobreza frente a espacios de la nueva clase emergente en donde dominan los sectores de servicios y las tecnologías de la información. Frente al desarrollo urbano neoliberal de regulación a través del mercado y basada en criterios de eficiencia de la Nueva Gestión Pública, se vislumbra la posibilidad de que la sociedad se administre a si misma por medio de acciones voluntarias y responsables que promuevan los intereses colectivos mediante el reconocimiento de su propia identidad, introduciendo el concepto de gobernanza. Frente, a la explotación del territorio por parte de la sociedad extractiva que genera corrupcion, se propone un modelo de cooperación público-privada basado en la confianza mutua, un marco regulador estable, la transparencia y la información a cuyo flujo más homogéneo contribuirán sin duda las TICs. En todo este proceso, las regiones metropolitanas en Europa se erigen como motores del crecimiento, donde los límites administrativos son superados, en un territorio cada vez más extendido y donde los gobiernos locales tienen que organizarse mediante un proceso de cooperación en la provisión de servicios que ayuden a evitar los desequilibrios territoriales. El fenómeno de la dispersión urbana en desarrollos de baja densidad, los centros comerciales periféricos, la expulsión hacia la periferia de las actividades de menor valor añadido y la concentración de funciones directivas en el centro, conducen a una fragmentación del territorio en islas dependientes del automóvil y a procesos de exclusión social por la huida de las rentas altas y la expulsión de las rentas bajas de los centros urbanos. Se crean fragmentos monofuncionales y discontinuos, apoyados en las autovías, lugares carentes de identidad y generadores de despilfarro de recursos y una falta de sostenibilidad ambiental, económica y social. El estudio de la cultura de la planificación en Europa ayuda a comprender los diferentes enfoques en la ordenación del territorio y el proceso de convergencia entre las diferentes regiones. Los documentos de la UE se basan en la necesidad de la competitividad para el crecimiento europeo y la cohesión social y en relación al territorio en los desarrollos policéntricos, la resolución del dualismo campo-ciudad, el acceso equilibrado a las infraestructuras, la gestión prudente de la naturaleza, el patrimonio y el fomento de la identidad. Se proponen dos niveles de estudio uno actual, los últimos planes de Londres y Paris y el otro la evolución de las tentativas de planes en la Región madrileña siempre en relación a los paradigmas emergentes señalados y su reflejo en los documentos. El Plan de Londres es estratégico, con una visión a largo plazo, donde se confiere un gran interés al proceso, al papel del alcalde como líder y su adaptación a las circunstancias cambiantes, sujeto a las incertidumbres de una ciudad global. El desarrollo del mismo se concibe a través de la colaboración y cooperación entre las administraciones y actores. La estructura del documento es flexible, establece orientaciones y guías indicativas, para la redacción de los planes locales, no siendo las mismas vinculantes y con escasa representación grafica. El Plan de París es más un plan físico, similar al de otros centros europeos, trabaja sobre los sectores y sobre los territorios, con información extensa, con características de “Plan Latino” por la fuerza de la expresión gráfica, pero al mismo tiempo contiene una visión estratégica. Es vinculante en sus determinaciones y normativas, se plantea fomentar, pero también prohibir. Ambos planes tratan la competitividad internacional de sus centros urbanos, la igualdad social, la inclusión de todos los grupos sociales y la vivienda como una cuestión de dignidad humana. Londres plantea la gobernanza como cooperación entre sector público-privado y la necesaria cooperación con las regiones limítrofes, en París las relaciones están más institucionalizadas resaltando la colaboración vertical entre administraciones. Ambos plantean la densificación de nodos servidos por transporte público, modos blandos y el uso los TODs y la preservación de la infraestructura verde jerarquizada, la potenciación de la red azul y la mejora del paisaje de las periferias. En las “tentativas” de planes territoriales de Madrid se constata que estuvieron sujetas a los ciclos económicos. El primer Documento las DOT del año 1984, no planteaba crecimiento, ni económico ni demográfico, a medio plazo y por ello no proponía una modificación del modelo radio concéntrico. Se trataba de un Plan rígido volcado en la recuperación del medio rural, de la ciudad, el dimensionamiento de los crecimientos en función de las dotaciones e infraestructuras existentes. Aboga por la intervención de la administración pública y la promoción del pequeño comercio. Destaca el desequilibrio social en función de la renta, la marginación de determinados grupos sociales, el desequilibrio residencia/empleo y la excesiva densidad. Incide en la necesidad de viviendas para los más desfavorecidos mediante el alquiler, la promoción suelo público y la promoción del ferrocarril para dar accesibilidad al espacio central. Aboga por el equipamiento de proximidad y de pequeño tamaño, el tratamiento paisajístico de los límites urbanos de los núcleos y el control de las actividades ilegales señalando orientaciones para el planeamiento urbano. Las Estrategias (1989) contienen una visión: la modificación del modelo territorial, mediante la intervención pública a través de proyectos. Plantea la reestructuración económica del territorio, la reconversión del aparato productivo, la deslocalización de actividades de escaso valor añadido y una mayor ubicuidad de la actividad económica. Incide en la difusión de la centralidad hacia el territorio del sur, equilibrándolo con el norte, tratando de recomponer empleo y residencia, integrando al desarrollo económico las periferias entre sí y con el centro. Las actuaciones de transporte consolidarían las actuaciones, modificando el modelo radio concéntrico facilitando la movilidad mediante la red de cercanías y la intermodalidad. El plan se basaba en el liderazgo del Consejero, no integrando sectores como el medio ambiente, ni estableciendo un documento de seguimiento de las actuaciones que evaluara los efectos de las políticas y su aportación al equilibrio territorial, a través de los proyectos realizados. El Documento Preparatorio de las Bases (1995), es más de un compendio o plan de planes, recoge análisis y propuestas de los documentos anteriores y de planes sectoriales de otros departamentos. Presenta una doble estructura: un plan físico integrador clásico, que abarca los sectores y territorios, y recoge las Estrategias previas añadiendo puntos fuertes, como el malestar urbano y la rehabilitación el centro. Plantea la consecución del equilibrio ambiental mediante el crecimiento de las ciudades existentes, la vertebración territorial basada en la movilidad y en la potenciación de nuevas centralidades, la mejora de la habitabilidad y rehabilitación integral del Centro Urbano de Madrid, y la modernización del tejido productivo existente. No existe una idea-fuerza que aglutine todo el documento, parte del reconocimiento de un modelo existente concentrado y congestivo, un centro urbano dual y dos periferias al este y sur con un declive urbano y obsolescencia productiva y al oeste y norte con una dispersión que amenaza al equilibrio medioambiental. Señala como aspectos relevantes, la creciente polarización y segregación social, la deslocalización industrial, la aparición de las actividades de servicios a las empresas instaladas en las áreas metropolitanas, y la dispersión de las actividades económicas en el territorio por la banalización del uso del automóvil. Se plantea el reto de hacer ciudad de la extensión suburbana y su conexión con el sistema metropolitano, mediante una red de ciudades integrada y complementaria, en búsqueda de un mayor equilibrio y solidaridad territorial. Las Bases del PRET (1997) tenían como propósito iniciar el proceso de concertación en que debe basarse la elaboración del Plan. Parte de la ciudad mediterránea compacta, y diversa, y de la necesidad de que las actividades económicas, los servicios y la residencia estén en proximidad, resolviéndolo mediante una potente red de transporte público que permitiese una accesibilidad integrada al territorio. El flujo de residencia hacia la periferia, con un modelo ajeno de vivienda unifamiliar y la concentración del empleo en el centro producen desequilibrio territorial. Madrid manifiesta siempre apostó por la densificación del espacio central urbanizado, produciendo su congestión, frente al desarrollo de nuevos suelos que permitieran su expansión territorial. Precisa que es necesario preservar los valores de centralidad de Madrid, como generador de riqueza, canalizando toda aquella demanda de centralidad, hacia espacios más periféricos. El problema de la vivienda no lo ve solo como social, sino como económico, debido a la pérdida de empleos que supone su paralización. Observa ya los crecimientos residenciales en el borde de la region por el menor valor del suelo. Plantea como la política de oferta ha dado lugar a un modelo de crecimiento fragmentado, desequilibrado, desestructurado, con fuertes déficits dotacionales y de equipamiento, que inciden en la segregación espacial de las rentas, agravando el proceso de falta de identidad morfológica y de desarraigo de los valores urbanos. El plan señalaba que la presión sobre el territorio creaba su densificación por las limitaciones de espacio, Incidía en limitar el peso de la intervención pública, no planteando propuestas de cooperación público-privado. La mayor incoherencia estriba en que los objetivos eran innovadores y coinciden en su mayoría con las propuestas estudiadas de Londres o Paris, pero se intentan implementar a través de un cambio hacia un modelo reticulado homogéneo, expansivo sobre el territorio, que supone un consumo de suelo y de infraestructuras para solucionar un problema inexistente, la gestión de la densidad. Durante las dos últimas décadas en ausencia de un plan regional, la postura neoliberal fue la de un exclusivo control de legalidad del planeamiento, los municipios entraron en un proceso de competencia para aprovechar las iniciales ventajas económicas de los crecimientos detectados, que proporcionaban una base económica “sólida” a unos municipios con escasos recursos en sus presupuestos municipales. La legislación se modifica a requerimiento de grupos interesados, no existiendo un marco estable. Se pierde la figura del plan no solo a nivel regional, si no en los sectores y el planeamiento municipal donde los municipios tiende a basarse en modificaciones puntuales con la subsiguiente pérdida del modelo urbanístico. La protección ambiental se estructura mediante un extenso nivel de figuras, con diversidad de competencias que impide su efectiva protección y control. Este proceso produce un despilfarro en la ocupación del suelo, apoyada en las infraestructuras viarias, y un crecimiento disperso y de baja densidad, cada vez más periférico, produciéndose una segmentación social por dualización del espacio en función de niveles de renta. Al amparo del boom inmobiliario, se produce una falta de política social de vivienda pública, más basada en la dinamización del mercado con producción de viviendas para rentas medias que en políticas de alquiler para determinados grupos concentrándose estas en los barrios desfavorecidos y en la periferia sur. Se produce un incremento de la vivienda unifamiliar, muchas veces amparada en políticas públicas, la misma se localiza en el oeste principalmente, en espacios de valor como el entorno del Guadarrama o con viviendas más baratas por la popularización de la tipología en la frontera de la Región. El territorio se especializa a modo de islas monofuncionales, las actividades financieras y de servicios avanzados a las empresas se localizan en el norte y oeste próximo, se pierde actividad industrial que se dispersa más al sur, muchas veces fuera de la región. Se incrementan los grandes centros comerciales colgados de las autovías y sin población en su entorno. Todo este proceso ha provocado una pérdida de utilización del transporte público y un aumento significativo del uso del vehículo privado. En la dos últimas décadas se ha producido en la región de Madrid desequilibrio territorial y segmentación social, falta de implicación de la sociedad en el territorio, dispersión del crecimiento y un incremento de los costes ambientales, sociales y económicos, situación, que solo, a través del uso racional del territorio se puede reconducir, apoyado en una planificación integrada sensible y participativa. ABSTRACT In Madrid the model of land occupation in the past two decades has been driven by market supply factors rather than the needs of the population. This results in a consumption of land and resources that leads to unsustainable overexploitation. Addressing this issue must be done through sensitive and participatory integrated planning. Global cities are experiencing rapid and intense change based on the emerging paradigms of globalization, governance, metropolization and the dispersion of activities in the territory. Through this context, a closer look will be taken at the London and Paris plans as well as the tentative plans of Madrid. Globalization causes the loss of state sovereignty and the competitiveness among global cities in Europe; London, Paris and Madrid. These are centres of power, concentration and growth where the duality of space is produced, and where inequality plays a part in urban restructuration. There are concentrated areas of poverty versus areas with a new emerging class where the services sector and information technologies are dominant. The introduction of ICTs contributes to a more homogeneous flow of information leading, us to the concept of governance. Against neoliberal urban development based on free market regulations and efficiency criteria as established by the “New Public Management”, emerge new ways where society administers itself through voluntary and responsible actions to promote collective interests by recognizing their own identity. A new model of public-private partnerships surfaces that is based on mutual trust, transparency, information and a stable regulatory framework in light of territorial exploitation by the “extractive society” that generates corruption. Throughout this process, European metropolitan regions become motors of growth where administrative boundaries are overcome in an ever expanding territory where government is organized through cooperative processes to provide services that protect against regional imbalances. Urban sprawl or low-density development as seen in peripheral shopping centres, the off-shoring of low added-value activities to the periphery, and the concentration of business and top management functions in the centre, leads to a fragmentation of the territory in automobile dependent islands and a process of social exclusion brought on by the disappearance of high incomes. Another effect is the elimination of low income populations from urban centres. In consequence, discontinuous expansions and mono-functional places that lack identity materialize supported by a highway network and high resource consumption. Studying the culture of urban planning in Europe provides better insight into different approaches to spatial planning and the process of convergence between different regions. EU documents are based on the need of competitiveness for European growth and social cohesion. In relation to polycentric development territory they are based on a necessity to solve the dualism between field and city, balanced access to infrastructures, prudent management of nature and solidifying heritage and identity Two levels of study unfold, the first being the current plans of London and Île-de-France and the second being the evolution of tentative plans for the Madrid region as related to emerging paradigms and how this is reflected in documents. The London Plan is strategic with a long-term vision that focuses on operation, the role of the mayor as a pivotal leader, and the adaptability to changing circumstances brought on by the uncertainties of a global city. Its development is conceived through collaboration and cooperation between governments and stakeholders. The document structure is flexible, providing guidance and indicative guidelines on how to draft local plans so they are not binding, and it contains scarce graphic representation. The Plan of Paris takes on a more physical form and is similar to plans of other European centres. It emphasizes sectors and territories, using extensive information, and is more characteristic of a “Latin Plan” as seen in its detailed graphic expression. However, it also contains a strategic vision. Binding in its determinations and policy, it proposes advancement but also prohibition. Both plans address the international competitiveness of urban centres, social equality, inclusion of all social groups and housing as issues of human dignity. London raises governance and cooperation between public and private sector and the need for cooperation with neighbouring regions. In Paris, the relations are more institutionalized highlighting vertical collaboration between administrations. Both propose nodes of densification served by public transportation, soft modes and the use of TOD, the preservation of a hierarchical green infrastructure, and enhancing the landscape in urban peripheries. The tentative territorial plans for the Madrid region provide evidence that they were subject to economic cycles. The first document of master guidelines (1984) does not address either economic or demographic growth in the mid term and therefore does not propose the modification of the radio-concentric model. It is a rigid plan focused on rural and urban recovery and the dimensioning of growth that depends on endowments and infrastructures. It advocates government intervention and promotes small business. The plan emphasizes social imbalance in terms of income, marginalization of certain social groups, the imbalance of residence/employment and excessive density. It stresses the need for social rent housing for the underprivileged, promotes public land, and the supports rail accessibility to the central area. It backs facilities of proximity and small size, enhancing the landscaping of city borders, controlling illegal activities and draws out guidelines for urban planning. The strategies (1989) contain a vision: Changing the territorial model through public intervention by means of projects. They bring to light economic restructuring of territory, the reconversion of the productive apparatus, relocation of low value-added activities, and greater ubiquity of economic activity. They also propose the diffusion of centrality towards southern territories, balancing it with the north in an attempt to reset employment and residence that integrates peripheral economic development both in the periphery and the centre. Transport would consolidate the project, changing the radius-concentric model and facilitating mobility through a commuter and inter-modality network. The plan derives itself from the leadership of the minister and does not integrate sectors such as environment. It also does not incorporate the existence of a written document that monitors performance to evaluate the effects of policies and their contribution to the territorial balance. The Preparatory Document of the Bases, (1995) is more a compendium, or plan of plans, that compiles analysis and proposals from previous documents and sectorial plans from other departments. It has a dual structure: An integrating physical plan covering the sectors and territories that includes the previous strategies while adding some strengths. One such point is the urban discomfort and the rehabilitation of the centre. It also poses the achievement of environmental balance through the growth of existing cities, the territorial linking based on mobility, strengthening new centres, improving the liveability and comprehensive rehabilitation of downtown Madrid, and the modernization of the existing production network. There is no one powerful idea that binds this document. This is due to the recognition of an existing concentrate and congestive model, a dual urban centre, two eastern and southern suburbs suffering from urban decay, and an obsolescent productive north and west whose dispersion threatens the environmental balance. Relevant aspects the document highlights are increasing polarization and social segregation, industrial relocation, the emergence of service activities to centralized companies in metropolitan areas and the dispersion of economic activities in the territory by the trivialization of car use. It proposes making the city from the suburban sprawl and its connection to the metropolitan system through a network of integrated and complementary cities in search of a better balance and territorial solidarity. The Bases of PRET (1997) aims to start the consultation process that must underpin the development of the plan. It stems from a compact and diverse Mediterranean city along with the need for economic activities, services and residences that are close. To resolve the issue, it presents a powerful network of public transport that allows integrated accessibility to the territory. The flow of residence to the periphery based on a foreign model of detached housing and an employment concentration in the centre produces territorial imbalance. Madrid always opted for the densification of the central space, producing its congestion, against the development of new land that would allow its territorial expansion. The document states that the necessity to preserve the values of the housing problem is not only viewed as social, but also economic due to the loss of jobs resulting from their paralysis. It notes the residential growth in the regional border due to the low price of land and argues that the policy of supply has led to a fragmented model of growth that is unbalanced, unstructured, with strong infrastructure and facility deficits that affect the spatial segregation of income and aggravate the lack of morphological identity, uprooting urban values. The pressure on the territory caused its densification due to space limitation; the proposed grid model causes land consumption and infrastructure to solve a non-problem, density. Focusing on limiting the weight of public intervention, it does not raise proposals for public-private cooperation. The biggest discrepancy is that the targets were innovative and mostly align with the proposals in London and Paris. However, it proposes to be implemented through a shift towards a uniform gridded model that is expansive over territory. During the last two decades, due to the absence of a regional plan, a neoliberal stance held exclusive control of the legality of urban planning. The municipalities entered a competition process to take advantage of initial economic benefits of such growth. This provided a “solid” economic base for some municipalities with limited resources in their municipal budgets. The law was amended without a legal stable framework at the request of stakeholders. The character of the plan is lost not only regionally, but also in the sectors and municipal planning. This tends to be based on specific changes with the loss of an urban model. Environmental protection is organized through an extensive number of protection figures with diverse competencies that prevent its effective protection. This process squanders the use of the land, backed by increasing road infrastructure, dispersed occupations with low-density growth causing a social segmentation due to space duality based on income levels. During the housing boom, there is a reduction in social public housing policy mostly due to a boost in the market of housing production for average incomes than in rental policies for needy social groups that focus on disadvantaged neighbourhoods and southern suburbs. As a result, there is an increase in single-family housing, often protected by public policy. This is located primarily in the west in areas of high environmental value such as Guadarrama. There is also cheaper housing due to the popularization of typology in the border region. There, territory works as a mono-functional islands. Financial activities and advanced services for companies are located to the north and west where industrial activity is lost as it migrates south, often outside the region. The number of large shopping centres hanging off the highway infrastructure with little to no surrounding population increases. This process leads to the loss of dependency on public transport and a significant increase in the use of private vehicles. The absence of regional planning has produced more imbalance, more social segmentation, more dispersed growth and a lot of environmental, social and economic costs that can only be redirected through rational territorial.

El centro comercial : una teoría tipológica : claves para el reconocimiento de una arquitectura ignorada

Existe en el panorama edificado un patrimonio construido que se reconoce como Centro Comercial. Un conjunto entendido, en sentido genérico, como familia arquitectónica que tiene características propias y específicas que la identifican. El objeto de la presente tesis doctoral consiste en argumentar que este conjunto constituye un nuevo tipo en el panorama de las tipologías arquitectónicas. Un tipo con entidad propia, que se conecta a una forma diferente de entender la idea de modelo. Un concepto que va más allá de la consideración tradicional del término. Modelo virtual. Este tipo, que surge de una estructura teórica que hemos denominado teoría tipológica, se constituye en una herramienta más para el estudio y el desarrollo proyectual de los espacios arquitectónicos, tanto del propio Centro Comercial como del conjunto de la disciplina arquitectónica, como referencia legítima. El presente trabajo de tesis se inicia con un bloque introductorio denominado Método. Definimos en él una metodología que hemos llamado emocional. Trata de la oportunidad de la tesis. Del porqué de un título que recoge la palabra ignorada. Del interés que suscita el asunto en el contexto del momento presente. Oportunidad e interés en base a una vida profesional dedicada al mundo del Centro Comercial y a la importancia del patrimonio elegido como objeto de estudio. También ha sido un aliciente detectar como las planificaciones del territorio y de los ámbitos de las relaciones colectivas no han sido capaces de integrar un resultado satisfactorio. Quizás por no considerar la complejidad de sus muchas facetas. En consecuencia, el texto busca la esencia del Centro Comercial como soporte para la crítica de su impacto en los nuevos escenarios de relación que la sociedad y el entorno físico imponen. Ámbitos donde los mecanismos históricos del asociacionismo tradicional han dado paso a otros, como el Centro Comercial, de exaltación del individualismo, pero demandados por una sociedad que se identifica con ellos. Espacios que, con Galbraith, existen por de la perversidad intrínseca del binomio consumo-producción que inducen la perplejidad. Ésta pasa a formar parte de la esencia del nuevo espacio comercial, como quedó de manifiesto en el Congreso de Minnesota de 1997, sobre el Centro Comercial. Una sociedad que ha girado hacia el logro material en términos de culto, ocasionando creciente valor significante del consumo. Razón última de la humanidad al decir de Rem Koolhaas. Culto que desemboca en la urgencia de alcanzar niveles de estatus y de identificación con el grupo. Dos parámetros que marcan la relación con el otro. Relación de comparación que excita la necesidad de posesión de objetos que llevaban a recrear en el consumidor la ilusión de ser especiales, de no pasar desapercibidos. El producto de consumo, el objeto, se eleva a la consideración de valor social. En el Centro Comercial se venden valores. Marketing de valores. El deseo del individuo, no la necesidad, queda involucrado en el proceso. La oportunidad y el interés de este estudio surgen además para aclarar el significado de un espacio que sirve al consumidor y a su entorno. Un significado que alcanza sentido, entre otros, por la aparición de un nuevo contexto tras la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Suburbanización, automóvil, nivel de vida, un nuevo papel de la mujer. La Era del Consumo. Una era que genera la paradoja de un individuo con autodeterminación y autosuficiencia crecientes, en un mundo cada vez más condicionado y controlado por dinámicas de ofertas mediatizadas e ilimitadas. La arquitectura en este contexto ha de juzgarse por su relación con un hombre contemporáneo que camina hacia una progresiva excepcionalidad. Cerramos la presentación justificando el término ignorada que aparece en el Título de la Tesis. Subrayamos la escasa existencia de estudios estructurados que relacionen Centro Comercial y arquitectura. Realidad que se constata partiendo del libro de Pevsner, Historia de las Tipologías Arquitectónicas, de 1976. Analizamos también la aceptación que el Centro Comercial, valorado en algunos ámbitos como arquitectura populista. Primer Capítulo, los antecedentes. Se propone un recorrido histórico por la arquitectura comercial de todos los tiempos. El Documento busca concretar las características de la arquitectura comercial a lo largo de la historia para determinar relaciones entre ella y el Centro Comercial. Estas correspondencias van a permitir contestar la pregunta retórica que nos hacemos al inicio del Capítulo: ¿Es la arquitectura del Centro Comercial una arquitectura subsidiaria, o tiene personalidad propia independiente de la del mundo comercial? Con Zevi40, queremos dejar constancia que la relación arquitectura-historia es imprescindible en la tarea proyectual. Un análisis novedoso solo es posible desde la búsqueda de unas raíces auténticas. Así mismo, con Guy de Maupassant, estamos convencidos que “La arquitectura, a través de los siglos, ha tenido el privilegio de dar un símbolo a cada una de las épocas, de resumir con un pequeñísimo número de monumentos típicos, el modo de pensar, de soñar de una raza y de una civilización”. Este recorrido se inicia interpretando la arquitectura comercial minoica. Llegaremos, paso a paso, hasta el siglo XX, los grandes itinerarios comerciales y el Centro Comercial. Se descubren una serie de invariantes que permiten comparar y extraer conclusiones. Resulta novedoso constatar que el Centro Comercial nace para dar respuesta al hombre contemporáneo en su afán consumista. También lo es la rápida implantación y evolución del Centro Comercial en un corto periodo de sesenta años frente al ritmo sosegado de otras soluciones comerciales. Novedad es ver como el comercio y sus arquitecturas nacen abiertos, bajo tenderetes y el Centro Comercial se presenta cerrado. Así mismo, las referencias sacras constituyen un elemento de novedad para la reflexión, en un contexto materialista. Y tantas otras. En Minos, la óptica comercial ofrece otra visión de su legendaria cultura. ¿Palacio o plataforma logística?, gestión centralizada del intercambio, ¿vida pública y vida privada? Así, hasta llegar al siglo XIX. Sus las galerías y sus pasajes acristalados concebidos en primera instancia como medida de recomposición urbana. Espacio entendido desde lo público-privado, desde lo interior-exterior, desde el dentro-afuera, desde lo cerrado-abierto. Con los nuevos mercados de abastos, representan una revolución en el ámbito de la funcionalidad, de la máquina, de la gestión moderna y de las relaciones del ciudadano con la ciudad apoyado en base al intercambio de bienes de consumo. El Centro Comercial es heredero de esta transformación. El Gran Almacén, por otra parte, es el reflejo de otra gran revolución. La que va ligada a la producción y comercialización en masa, las comunicaciones, el precio fijo y el aumento del nivel de vida. El Centro Comercial reinterpreta estas situaciones insertándolas en un nuevo modelo de gestión. En el siglo XX, maestro en técnicas de venta, aparece el hipermercado. El Híper, con su carga de pedagogía, se incorpora al esquema orgánico del Centro Comercial. La tienda en si misma constituye la pieza base de dicho puzle orgánico. Es en esta época cuando la tienda empieza su despegue autónomo como arquitectura, aportando su experiencia. Tras ello, llegamos a las grandes rutas comerciales, que proponemos como metáfora del shopping. Cerramos el capítulo concluyendo con Eugenio Ferrer que “si establecemos una relación entre el espacio y el capitalismo, entonces podemos inferir que los espacios del consumo de masas (ECM) son configuraciones nuevas respecto al pasado (...), pero el sistema que lo introduce no lo es del todo”. Segundo Capítulo. Búsqueda de claves que permitan el reconocimiento del Centro Comercial. Llegados a este punto y con la perspectiva del tiempo cabe preguntarnos, ¿qué entendemos pues por Centro Comercial? ¿Cómo lo percibimos? Abordamos ahora el problema de la percepción del Centro Comercial y su significado. Además de constituirse en símbolo, referencia siempre presente, la eficacia del Shopping es una de las principales causas de su poder de atracción. El Centro Comercial resulta de la síntesis de la revolución del consumo y de la revolución de la gestión. Espacio eficaz del entretenimiento como destino. El usuario resuelve su vida cotidiana dentro de un hábitat que considera propio y que se entiende como el lugar hiperbólico de la transacción comercial. Espacio de la abundancia para el disfrute. Una arquitectura involucrada en esta eficacia. Su sentido del lugar no es otro que el Shopping, que se desenvuelve de forma análoga en todas partes. El hogar del consumidor. Las nuevas catedrales. Las catedrales del consumo. Destino místico. Lugar de peregrinación para el consumidor fervoroso. Espacio sagrado que integra al usuario en la cultura dominante. Cultura del consumo. Templos, donde el tiempo ha perdido su sentido. Paraíso. Un espacio donde la altura, la luz natural, la dimensión general refuerzan el carácter sacro de un espacio para una nueva religión laica. Un espacio seguro, protegido que nos acerca a ideas como la de útero materno, con su carga de calidez y de significación erótica aplicado al encuentro compra-comprador y, ligado a ello, la literatura especializada habla del Centro Comercial como nave espacial hiperesterilizada o de agujero negro que absorbe la energía cultural. Más allá, la simulación, donde se percibe un simulacro de ciudad. Simulacro coherente con todo lo que el Shopping desencadena a su alrededor. El lugar de los sueños, de la fantasía. Aquí los productos se han metamorfoseado en fetiches, en significados. Televisión tridimensional, donde el usuario actúa guiado por una pulsión similar al zapping. Espacio lúdico de la fascinación por comprar o de imaginar que se compra. Espacio de simulaciones que llevan a la ensoñación. Un nuevo lugar que sustituye al espacio cotidiano, con el señuelo de la protección, en un contexto imaginariamente público. Espacio de la hiperrealidad donde no se distingue la realidad de la fantasía, donde tras episodios de confusión y desconcierto, se borran las fronteras con lo imaginario. Espacio mágico, escenario del gran espectáculo del consumo, controlado milimétricamente, al modo de la visita a un gran monumento, que ha de sobrevivir a los tiempos para dar testimonio de nuestro momento. Un icono, un símbolo que transmite un mensaje, que solo el consumidor es capaz de interpretar. Una agitada mezcla, sin precedentes, de percepciones que hablan de perplejidad y asombro ante el fenómeno del Centro Comercial, su espacio y las reacciones del hombre contemporáneo. ¿Cuáles serían las claves que nos permitirían reconocer la calidad esencial de un Centro Comercial, en esta concurrencia de perplejidades? Primero, la función de servicio. Un espacio donde ocurren muchas más cosas que lo obvio, que la compra. Un edificio que se involucra con el entorno de la mano de lo inesperado, la sorpresa y las expectativas. Esta vocación de servicio conecta Centro Comercial y naturaleza arquitectónica. Función que sugiere percepciones ligadas a la experiencia de compra. Organismo que vive y late al unísono con su visitante, colocándose al servicio de sus necesidades, de su afán de consumo, del que vive. Segundo, la comunidad servida. El Centro comercial sirve a una sociedad concreta. La sociedad consumista. Una nueva sociedad que se identifica con el edificio desarrollando un sentido de comunidad al nivel de sus deseos. Esta comunidad que se configura a su alrededor, constituye el activo más poderoso para el éxito de su realidad cotidiana y de su futuro. Tercero, un compromiso de carácter holístico. La economía de la experiencia aplicada al afán consumista de una sociedad identificada con su Centro, da lugar a una experiencia holística planificada. Diseño emocional. Colaboración para el éxito de un conjunto de establecimientos comerciales que participan en la aventura espacio-comercial del Centro Comercial. Ellos son los inductores primarios del consumo. Pero esta colaboración tiene su culminación en la amplificación del mensaje, como un inmenso altavoz, que proviene de la unidad configurada por todos ellos. El reflejo de esta amplificación de mensajes, desde la poderosa unidad constituida, es el aumento de la rentabilidad, fin último de la operación. Cuarto, la forma a través de una identificación de carácter gestáltico. Desde la lectura gestáltica que hacemos de la unidad holística, se advierte una poderosa capacidad de comunicación del sistema con su contexto. Centro y entorno se tornan entonces cómplices que complementan sus realidades. El Centro Comercial, arquitectura estructurada como sistema se percibe –ha de percibirse- como forma unitaria que procede de una mirada de raíz gestáltica que continuamente la recompone desde una óptica espacial y física, ligada a la experiencia individual. Esta unidad formal, más allá de la forma real, se constituye en esencia de de su arquitectura. Quinto, el Centro Comercial como sistema. Un sistema soportado por la Teoría General de Sistemas. La consideración del Centro Comercial como sistema es consecuencia de su estructura holística. El todo no se comporta como la suma de las partes y estas no lo hacen como lo harían en solitario. De aquí surge la necesidad de diálogo permanente entre la comercialización –proceso de incorporación de partes- y su traducción al mundo del diseño –proceso de articular arquitectónicamente las partes. Como sistema así configurado, el Centro Comercial se inserta en el paradigma contemporáneo, lo que genera realidades duales que no son excluyentes y reacciones de perplejidad e incertidumbre que el sistema corrige con su capacidad de autorregulación. Aparece también el espectador cuántico, el visitante, el consumidor, que interactúa con el sistema. Desde las herramientas que nos aporta la idea de sistema complejo, afrontamos el Mix Comercial -en definitiva la eficaz localización de las piezas en orden a sus relaciones y al organismo resultante- y su incidencia en la arquitectura que estamos concibiendo. Una arquitectura impredecible por lo mutable, que se erige en reto de la operación y del diseñador. Diseño que, de la mano del concepto de sistema se convierte en herramienta a mayor gloria de la operación global. El debate del estilismo no será más que el resultado del análisis en busca del éxito de esta operación. Sexto, una arquitectura de la negociación. Negociación como mecanismo proyectual y como resultado. La solución de proyecto nunca resulta evidente en el Centro Comercial como consecuencia de lo imprevisible del propio proceso de configuración. Su concreción solo puede ser fruto del compromiso de todos los agentes por conseguir el objetivo de la operación. Esto se consigue desde el equilibrio de intereses. Comerciales y de diseño. Un compromiso con la negociación y una negociación íntimamente ligada a la coordinación. Séptimo, el espacio y el tiempo. El debate espacio-tiempo condiciona y estructura la percepción del Centro Comercial. Introducimos conceptos como cronotopo –el instante y el lugar donde ocurre algo- y paradoja –incoherencia de la relación causa efecto- que sitúan el vínculo entre el tiempo y el espacio del Centro Comercial en un contexto de Shopping. En el discurrir paralelo del tiempo histórico –el tiempo de fuera- y del tiempo interior, el de dentro del Centro Comercial –tiempo presente o intemporalidad-, se produce el triunfo social del Centro Comercial que se traduce en haber sabido resolver en el espacio y en el tiempo las paradojas postmodernas del hombre contemporáneo. Octavo, de lo global. Globalidad que no es ajena a lo local. Una arquitectura que insertada en la dinámica de una economía de ámbito mundial, refleja las contradicciones que ella impone, fundamentalmente en los procesos de inclusión y exclusión, afectando de manera decisiva al debate de lo local, que el Centro Comercial debe incorporar como herramienta ineludible de reconocimiento. Terminamos el capítulo segundo manifestando como estas ocho claves, asumidas en su conjunto, confirman que el Centro Comercial puede aparecer como un todo conceptual cohesionado, pasando a formar parte de una familia arquitectónica coherente, cuya estructura funcional somos capaces de establecer. El Capítulo Tercero presenta con detalle la figura del arquitecto Víctor Gruen, creador reconocido del moderno Centro Comercial. Presentamos su trayectoria profesional observando como las diferentes claves analizadas en capítulos anteriores van apareciendo de manera natural a lo largo de ella "Victor Gruen may well have been the most influential architect of the twentieth century." Malcolm Gladwell. The Terrazo Jungle. Fifty Years Ago, The Mall Was Born. America Never Would Be The Same. 2004. In The New Yorker. Hombre complejo, conflictivo. Las paradojas a lo largo de su carrera fueron notables. Sin embargo siempre apareció como un hombre recto. Garret Eckbo, reconocido paisajista y colaborador de Gruen en el Centro Comercial peatonal del Centro urbano de Fresno, California, se asombraba de que alguien como Gruen hubiese sido capaz de combinar cortesía y humanidad en la carrera de ratas (sic) en la que se convirtió el universo de la comercialización americana y mantener la integridad542. Philip Johnson, en 1962, ponderando las muchas habilidades de Gruen manifestó que no estaba seguro si alguno de ellos, arquitectos artistas, hubiera sido capaz de hacer lo que Gruen hizo. A más, sobre Gruen, manifestó lo siguiente: "... El va más allá de la creación de un bello edificio. En jugar con la gente y sugerir lo que tienen que hacer, es un maestro. Y obtiene buenos resultados como hace la escultura. El suyo es un arte cívico, un sentido cívico.... Él es capaz de sentarse y poner cosas juntas. No es pomposo ni vano. Yo no me reuniría con él para hablar del diseño (de edificios). Víctor siente que cuando se habla de diseño se está ignorando todo el contexto... Su arquitectura es poderosamente limpia, no vuela la fantasía. Pero cuando te haces con su complejidad, ves que has descubierto algo más allá del diseño.... No puedes decir que haya alguien como él. La arquitectura tiene la suerte de tenerle como arquitecto..." Philip Johnson. Article in Fortune Review. 1962. El Documento de tesis cierra la visión de Gruen realizando un recorrido por los diferentes capítulos de su libro esencial, Shopping Towns Usa: The Planning of Shopping Centers. Solo su índice resulta un monumento al proceso de gestación del Centro Comercial. El libro, aquí simplemente mostrado en su estructura básica como un silencioso testigo, es la referencia canónica los Centros Comerciales contemporáneos, desde su aparición. . El Cuarto Capítulo del Documento de tesis es una recapitulación del trabajo anterior, en el que se sintetizan los conceptos de función y estilo relacionados con el Centro Comercial, se define en qué consiste cada uno de ellos y como, a partir de ahí, podemos afirmar que nos encontramos ante un tipo arquitectónico nuevo en el panorama de la disciplina arquitectónica. Terminamos el Capítulo integrando el Centro Comercial con un cuerpo teórico de referencias que se remiten a un tipo arquitectónico concreto y particular, acogiendo su singularidad como fenómeno arquitectónico autónomo. Como Conclusión de la tesis, resultado de todo lo anterior es decir, como consecuencia de la integración de un torrente de percepciones e intuiciones en un cuerpo teórico de referencias, deducidas de la existencia de unas claves que estructuran y penetran la esencia del singular modelo estudiado, haciéndolo detectable y seductor, resultan las características de un tipo arquitectónico con entidad propia que ordena, orienta y supedita la realidad y la existencia de esta nueva arquitectura. Una arquitectura nunca antes definida como tal, en el panorama tipológico de la disciplina. Teoría tipológica para una nueva arquitectura, que hemos ido proponiendo a lo largo del trabajo y que es coherente con los diferentes parámetros que se han analizado. Un conjunto edificado que, desde el estudio de sus claves esenciales y de sus invariantes perceptibles, aparece ahora más cercano, más familiar. Tanto que es posible destilar desde este conocimiento cercano e íntimo, una síntesis útil como referencia proyectual y como referencia para las grandes cuestiones que preocupan al discurrir del debate arquitectónico y sus ideas. El debate de la disciplina. El objeto de esta tesis, que consistía en establecer que el conjunto edificado que conocemos como Centro Comercial se constituye en un nuevo tipo en el panorama de las tipologías arquitectónicas, entendido el Centro Comercial en sentido genérico como familia arquitectónica con características propias y específicas que la hacen autónoma y reconocible, queda a nuestro juicio argumentado y justificado. ABSTRACT Within the frame of the built heritage there is a construction that is recognized as Shopping Center. An ensemble understood as an architectural family with its own specific recognizable characteristics. This thesis aims to explain that this building complex constitutes a new type in the panorama of architectural typology. This typology, with its singular identity, is connected to a way of understanding the idea of the model beyond an orthodox conception of the term understood as virtual model. This typology comes from a theoretical structure that we called typological theory, and it serves as yet another tool to reference the study and development design of the architectural spaces. In this first section, the Method, we emotionally explore the opportunities of this thesis. Why this typology has been ignored and the interest this work has in the present moment. An opportunity and an interest explained from an experience of a life dedicated to the world of Shopping Centers. The text then introduces the need for a rigorous knowledge of the Shopping Center’s essence in order to understand its impact in the frame of a new society and a new physical environment. A frame time where the historical mechanisms of association of civic community have given way to other gathering spaces like the Shopping Center, which encourages individualism, but is demanded by a society that relates to them. Spaces that, according to Galbraith, are a result of the intrinsic perversity of the unstoppable movement of the wheel of consumption-production. A society that has turned to worship of material achievement. Worship that provokes the appearance of an increasing value of consumption, according to Koolhaas, the only goal of humanity. Worship that ends in the need to reach certain status levels in the plane of a permanent comparison where the need of possession excites the consumer and gives them the illusion of being special. The product of consumption rises up to consideration of social values, entering a dynamic of marketing values, not only objects, but the desire of the individual remains. The study appears also to clarify the meaning of a space that serves the consumer and its context. A meaning that makes sense with the appearance of the suburbanization, the massive utilization of the car, the increase of living standards and the new role of women in the society after the Second World War, giving rise to the Age of Consumption. A world now determined and controlled by media and unlimited offers, where it’s necessary to place them in the context of the ordinary. An architecture that has to be judged precisely for its relation with this specific contemporary man. This section ends justifying the term ignored that appears in the Title of the Thesis, considering it in relation with the lack of studies structured about the Shopping Center and its architecture, drawing from Pevsner's work, A history of building types, 1976. Finally, the Shopping Center is analyzed with the most critical of thoughts, which considers it as populist architecture. The First Chapter, Precedents, proposes an historical tour of the commercial architecture throughout history. The Document looks to place on record the characteristics of the commercial architecture to set the connection between them and the Mall itself. These correspondences are going to allow us to answer the rhetorical question: is it the architecture of the Shopping Center a subsidiary architecture, or does it have its own personality independent from that of the commercial world? The reason of this historical search, citing Bruno Zevi, is that it is indispensable to establish the relationship between architecture and history, understating that an analysis is only possible when researching for their roots. Moreover, according to Guy de Maupassant, we are sure that architecture has had the privilege, across the centuries, of symbolizing as it were each age(…), through the harmony of lines and the charm of ornamentation all the grace and grandeur of an epoch. This historical reading, inseparable from a consistent design action, begins interpreting the commercial architecture of the Minoan to the 20th Century. Though this analysis of the big commercial itineraries and the study of the Shopping Center itself. A reading where we have found a series of constants that make it possible to draw conclusions from this comparison. The Mall appears to give response to the needs of a consumerist society. Comparing to the calm pace of the evolution of other commercial solutions, it is relevant its fast implantation and evolution in a short period of sixty years. Though via different solutions, the commercial spaces are considered taking into account the public-private relation, the interior-exterior, the inside-out, the closed-opened. Through that, the 19th century galleries and the food markets represent a revolution in functionality, in the machine, the modern management and the relations of the citizen within the city. All of this, the Mall inheritor feels. Likewise, the Department Store is the reflection of another great revolution. Production and commercialization en-mass, communications, the fixed price and increase of the living standard. The Mall reinterprets these situations inserting them in a new model of management. Already in the 20th century Mall and mass technologies of sale, the hypermarket is enthusiastically incorporated into the configuration of this organic scheme, constituting the base of one of the models, the French, that will be highly developed in the European continent. The shop itself constitutes, on the other hand, the key piece that completes the puzzle of the Mall and is in this epoch when it starts taking off as architecture, has an autonomous character. After all this, finally, we come to the big commercial routes, which we propose as metaphor of the shopping. Citing Eugenio Ferrer we can conclude that “If we establish a relation between the space and the capitalism, then we can infer that the spaces of the consumption of masses (ECM) are new configurations with regard to the past (...), but the system that introduces it it is not completely” Now we arrive at this point and with the perspective of time it is necessary to ask us, what do we understand about the Shopping Center? How do we perceive it? The second Chapter approaches the problem of the perception of the Mall and from this it is possible to detect and to identify key drivers that orientate the architectural comprehension of the space. The efficiency of the Shopping Center is its main power of attraction. A world that has ensued from the synthesis of the revolution of consumption and management. An effective cavern-like place of entertainment where the user, the consumer, the postmodern man solves his daily life inside a considered habitat. The hyperbolic place of commercial transaction. An abundance of space, that makes us perceive it as destination of entertainment. An architecture has evolved this efficiency, where the sense of place is at one with the sense of the Shopping. The home of the consumer. The new cathedrals. The cathedral of consumption. The place of peregrination for the fervent consumer. A sacred space that integrates the user in the dominant culture. A temple, where time itself has stopped existing. In this paroxysm, an expression of the Garden of Eden or Paradise itself. A space where the height, the natural daylight and the spatial dimension reinforce the sacred character of a new lay religion. Another common perception is that of a protected area, which leads to metaphors and considerations that suggest the idea of maternal womb, with its weight of erotic meaning, referring to the encounter of the shopper making a purchase. The literature also tells us about its perception as a sterile space capsule, a black hole that absorbs all cultural energy. Likewise, a world simulation where a mock city is perceived at first instance. Consistent with all that shopping triggers inside. A city, a space conceived as a place of dreams, fantasy, where the products have been metamorphosed into fetishes. Entertaining a television, three-dimensional television, where the user acts guided by a drive similar to zapping. A play area where the latest fascination is in the act of buying. Space simulations that unite and transcend creating atmospheres that lead to reverie. A new space replacing the daily space with the lure of safe space in a public context. A hyper-reality space with reality and fantasy, where borders are erased with imaginary episodes of confusion and bewilderment, without distinction. The charm and fascination of a space that reads like magic. The magic of a space which is defined as stage extravaganza, the large theatre, the consumer surveys in the fine control mode in which you visit a national monument. The shopping center has to survive the times to be a testimony of our time. An icon, a symbol that conveys a message, the message reads ‘consumer’. In short, a Shopping Center is a mix of unprecedented insights that speak of a widespread phenomenon of bewilderment. Its space and the reactions of contemporary man unfold in it like a fish in water. What are the key aspects which allow us to recognize the essential quality of a shopping center in this concurrence of perplexities? First, we want to record a service function of space much deeper than the immediately obvious, i.e. a purchase occurs. A building that appears to be involved with the environment and its people from the hand of the unexpected circumstances; surprise and attention. And that, in turn, also involves the visitor beyond the purchase. This dedication to service closely links the mall with its architectural nature. It is not the function of a lifeless machine. It is a feature that suggests unsuspected perceptions linked to the purchase, which speaks of an organism that lives and breathes in unison with the visitor. Second, in addition to the vocation of service-oriented desire for consumption, the Mall environment serves a particular society - The consumer society. A new society which relates to building a sense of community developed to the level of their desires. This community also constitutes the most powerful asset to the success of the daily life of the Shopping Center. Third, we emphasize that the so called economy of the experience is combined with the consumer zeal of a company that is identified by the Shopping Center. It connects to form a holistic and planned experience. This experience takes shape in the entity that ensues from the premeditated association and synergy, in the sense of a collaboration for success. A set of concrete commercial and independent establishments, take part in the spatial and commercial adventure that is the Mall and they are the instigators of the consumption. This holistic behavior finds culmination in the amplification of a claim that becomes unitary, like an immense force that leads to an increased profitability to all the levels. Consummation is a reference of one human being overturned in an architecture assimilated into a legitimate, emotional design with stability. A holistic quality is born of the essence of the building - and by virtue of the Conditions of Alexander, Christopher Alexander, determines the system condition of the Shopping Center. Fourth, we propose to establish what character the Mall will form when joined with the concept of its typology. This is going to allow the architectural work to be formed. As a result of the holistic structure that we see, the Mall is perceived as a system whose parts have their own function, justifying their existence in the ecosystem. Across a gestalt there is a powerful capacity of communication between the system and its context. We visualize on the one that stands out our building, turning both, Center and environment, in accomplices of a few special relations who complement each other in his realities. This relationship within a complex and diverse environment gives the Mall a range of unique spatial perceptions, the result of disparate experiences, which because of its root origin of gestalt, are integrated into a unified and coordinated manner fully intelligible and organized. This is the final formal essence of the Shopping Center. We can conclude here that the Mall as architecture is a structured system and should be perceived as a unit both from a physical and spatial perspective as this is the essence of its architecture. Fifth, the Mall as a system. A system which is being supported by a broad theoretical corpus, the General Systems Theory, which offers sufficient methodology to descend into consideration and give an enlightened conclusion on the overall understanding of the Mall. Consideration of the Mall as a system is a result of its holistic structure. The whole does not behave like any of the parties and they do not behave the way they used to before belonging to the whole, because they inhibit many of their qualities to their advantage. It arises the need for an ongoing dialogue between marketing processes and its translation into the physical world, the design. The system generates multiple perceptions to be integrated into a body which is to be understood as unitary. As a system, the Mall is inserted into the contemporary paradigm, creating dual realities that are not exclusive and are reactions of uncertainty that the system be properly designed at all levels, faced with their ability to self-regulate. Likewise, considering the visitor, the customer, like the quantum spectator who interacts with the system permanently. Moreover, a complex system confronts us with the Commercial mix, the effective location of parts in order to relate to the body and its importance in the architecture we are conceiving. Unpredictable architecture, which stands as the challenge of the operation and the designer. Design that becomes the tool of the system to create success for the overall operation. The discussion of the styling is merely the result of analysis that also seeks the success of the system, i.e. the styling should send the right message for the environment to ensure its survival. Sixth, the idea of negotiation as an architecture project, a mechanism inherent to the status of the proposed system. The project solution is never evident at the Shopping Center because of the unpredictability of the process itself. It can only be the fruit of the commitment of all stakeholders to achieve the objective of the operation. This is achieved from the balance of interests, of commercial and design. A commitment to negotiation and a negotiation linked to coordination. The pursuit of stability is key, as instability is always present and constantly requires strategies to build the object you are configuring. Seventh, proposes space-time itself as a circumstance that determines and structures the perception of the Mall in a singular way. We introduce concepts as chronotope and paradox to help us place the relationship between time and space within the Mall in the context of shopping. A consequence of the parallel flow of historical time - the time outside - and the time inside the Mall, the big shopping center formula is precisely that of having the feeling of timelessness in the space. The social triumph of the mall is the ability to resolve in space and in time all postmodern paradoxes and, beyond that, of contemporary man, condensing into a small space and time an enormous amount of cultural symbols, often contradictory, but they attract the practice of consumerism. Eighth, global level. Globalization which doesn’t ignore the local level. Architecture that is inserted into the dynamics of a global economy, reflects the contradictions that it imposes, mainly in the processes of inclusion and exclusion. Inclusion and exclusion affect the debate of the local level, which the Mall must incorporate as an unavoidable tool of recognition. The eight fundamental principles, when applied as a whole, confirm that the built heritage, which corresponds to the general Mall idea, can be presented as a cohesive conceptual whole. This becomes part of a coherent architectural family, whose functional structures are able to be established. The Third chapter presents in a detailed way the figure of the architect Victor Gruen, recognized as the creator of the modern Mall. Studying his professional experience, it is shown how the different keys analyzed in previous chapters are appearing in a natural way. "Victor Gruen may well have been the most influential architect of the twentieth century." Malcolm Gladwell. The Terrazo Jungle. Fifty Years Ago, The Mall Was Born. America Never Would Be The Same. 2004. In The New Yorker. He was a complex, troubled man and the paradoxes along his career were notable. Nevertheless, always he appeared as a straight man. Garret Eckbo, the recognized landscape painter and collaborator of Gruen was astonished how Gruen had been capable of combining comity and humanity in this career of rates, into that the American commercialization turned, Johnson, in 1962, weighting many Gruen's skills demonstrated that he was not sure if anyone of them, architects artists, had been capable of doing what Gruen did. He goes beyond just the creation of a beautiful building. In playing on people and suggesting what they ought to do, he is a master. (…) his architecture is clean - hardly architecture, no flights of fancy. But when you get hold of its complexity, you've got something beyond the design... You can't say there's someone like him. Architecture is lucky to have him as an architect." Philip Johnson. Article in Fortune Review. 1962. The Document of the thesis closes with Gruen's vision of realizing a tour through the different chapters of his essential book, Shopping towns USA: The Planning of Shopping Centers. It’s mere index turns out to be a monument to the process of the gestation of the Mall. The book, simply acted in its basic structure as a silent witness, as the canonical reference for the contemporary Malls. The Fourth Chapter of the Document of the thesis is a recapitulation of the previous work, which synthesizes the concepts of function and style related to the Shopping Center, and clearly defines how they are defined so we can conclude that we have found an architectural new type in the panorama of the architectural discipline. Therefore, the Conclusion of the thesis integrates this development in a theoretical body of references that relate to an architectural specific and particular type, which receives the singularity of the Shopping Center as an architectural independent phenomenon as it has tried to demonstrate from the beginning of the work. To conclude, as a result of the integrative process and the development of the theoretical body of references, the essential characteristics of the order and concept of the architectural typology form the existence of a new architecture; architecture never before defined as such, in the theoretical typology of the discipline. A theoretical typology for a new architecture is proposed throughout the discussed research and forms a conclusion of the different parameters that have been analysed. As a building complex, from the study of the essential characteristics and of the perceptible constants, the typology is more clearly defined and thus, becomes a useful tool and precedent for the consideration of the discipline. The thesis then justifies how the building complex known as Shopping Center constitutes a new type of architectural typology.

Identification of a family of low-affinity insulin-like growth factor binding proteins (IGFBPs): Characterization of connective tissue growth factor as a member of the IGFBP superfamily

The insulin-like growth factor (IGF) binding proteins (IGFBPs) modulate the actions of the insulin-like growth factors in endocrine, paracrine, and autocrine settings. Additionally, some IGFBPs appear to exhibit biological effects that are IGF independent. The six high-affinity IGFBPs that have been characterized to date exhibit 40–60% amino acid sequence identity overall, with the most conserved sequences in their NH2 and COOH termini. We have recently demonstrated that the product of the mac25/IGFBP-7 gene, which shows significant conservation in the NH2 terminus, including an “IGFBP motif” (GCGCCXXC), exhibits low-affinity IGF binding. The closely related mammalian genes connective tissue growth factor (CTGF) gene, nov, and cyr61 encode secreted proteins that also contain the conserved sequences and IGFBP motifs in their NH2 termini. To ascertain if these genes, along with mac25/IGFBP-7, encode a family of low-affinity IGFBPs, we assessed the IGF binding characteristics of recombinant human CTGF (rhCTGF). The ability of baculovirus-synthesized rhCTGF to bind IGFs was demonstrated by Western ligand blotting, affinity cross-linking, and competitive affinity binding assays using 125I-labeled IGF-I or IGF-II and unlabeled IGFs. CTGF, like mac25/IGFBP-7, specifically binds IGFs, although with relatively low affinity. On the basis of these data, we propose that CTGF represents another member of the IGFBP family (IGFBP-8) and that the CTGF gene, mac25/IGFBP-7, nov, and cyr61 are members of a family of low-affinity IGFBP genes. These genes, along with those encoding the high-affinity IGFBPs 1–6, together constitute an IGFBP superfamily whose products function in IGF-dependent or IGF-independent modes to regulate normal and neoplastic cell growth.

Filament structure as an essential factor for regulation of Dictyostelium myosin by regulatory light chain phosphorylation

Phosphorylation of the regulatory light chain (RLC) activates the actin-dependent ATPase activity of Dictyostelium myosin II. To elucidate this regulatory mechanism, we characterized two mutant myosins, MyΔC1225 and MyΔC1528, which are truncated at Ala-1224 and Ser-1527, respectively. These mutant myosins do not contain the C-terminal assembly domain and thus are unable to form filaments. Their activities were only weakly regulated by RLC phosphorylation, suggesting that, unlike smooth muscle myosin, efficient regulation of Dictyostelium myosin II requires filament assembly. Consistent with this hypothesis, wild-type myosin progressively lost the regulation as its concentration in the assay mixture was decreased. Dephosphorylated RLC did not inhibit the activity when the concentration of myosin in the reaction mixture was very low. Furthermore, 3xAsp myosin, which does not assemble efficiently due to point mutations in the tail, also was less well regulated than the wild-type. We conclude that the activity in the monomer state is exempt from inhibition by the dephosphorylated RLC and that the complete regulatory switch is formed only in the filament structure. Interestingly, a chimeric myosin composed of Dictyostelium heavy meromyosin fused to chicken skeletal light meromyosin was not well regulated by RLC phosphorylation. This suggests that, in addition to filament assembly, some specific feature of the filament structure is required for efficient regulation.

Nuclear Import of Sterol Regulatory Element–binding Protein-2, a Basic Helix-Loop-Helix–Leucine Zipper (bHLH-Zip)–containing Transcription Factor, Occurs through the Direct Interaction of Importin β with HLH-Zip

The sterol regulatory element–binding protein-2 (SREBP-2) is produced as a large precursor molecule attached to the endoplasmic reticulum membrane. In response to the sterol depletion, the N-terminal segment of the precursor, which contains a basic helix-loop-helix–leucine zipper domain, is released by two sequential cleavages and is translocated to the nucleus, where it activates the transcription of target genes. The data herein show that released SREBP-2 uses a distinct nuclear transport pathway, which is mediated by importin β. The mature form of SREBP-2 is actively transported into the nucleus when injected into the cell cytoplasm. SREBP-2 binds directly to importin β in the absence of importin α. Ran-GTP but not Ran-GDP causes the dissociation of the SREBP-2–importin β complex. G19VRan-GTP inhibits the nuclear import of SREBP-2 in living cells. In the permeabilized cell in vitro transport system, nuclear import of SREBP-2 is reconstituted only by importin β in conjunction with Ran and its interacting protein p10/NTF2. We further demonstrate that the helix-loop-helix–leucine zipper motif of SREBP-2 contains a novel type of nuclear localization signal, which binds directly to importin β.

Blood-borne tissue factor: Another view of thrombosis

Arterial thrombosis is considered to arise from the interaction of tissue factor (TF) in the vascular wall with platelets and coagulation factors in circulating blood. According to this paradigm, coagulation is initiated after a vessel is damaged and blood is exposed to vessel-wall TF. We have examined thrombus formation on pig arterial media (which contains no stainable TF) and on collagen-coated glass slides (which are devoid of TF) exposed to flowing native human blood. In both systems the thrombi that formed during a 5-min perfusion stained intensely for TF, much of which was not associated with cells. Antibodies against TF caused ≈70% reduction in the amount of thrombus formed on the pig arterial media and also reduced thrombi on the collagen-coated glass slides. TF deposited on the slides was active, as there was abundant fibrin in the thrombi. Factor VIIai, a potent inhibitor of TF, essentially abolished fibrin production and markedly reduced the mass of the thrombi. Immunoelectron microscopy revealed TF-positive membrane vesicles that we frequently observed in large clusters near the surface of platelets. TF, measured by factor Xa formation, was extracted from whole blood and plasma of healthy subjects. By using immunostaining, TF-containing neutrophils and monocytes were identified in peripheral blood; our data raise the possibility that leukocytes are the main source of blood TF. We suggest that blood-borne TF is inherently thrombogenic and may be involved in thrombus propagation at the site of vascular injury.

A potential role for the nuclear factor of activated T cells family of transcriptional regulatory proteins in adipogenesis

NFAT (nuclear factor of activated T cells) is a family of transcription factors implicated in the control of cytokine and early immune response gene expression. Recent studies have pointed to a role for NFAT proteins in gene regulation outside of the immune system. Herein we demonstrate that NFAT proteins are present in 3T3-L1 adipocytes and, upon fat cell differentiation, bind to and transactivate the promoter of the adipocyte-specific gene aP2. Further, fat cell differentiation is inhibited by cyclosporin A, a drug shown to prevent NFAT nuclear localization and hence function. Thus, these data suggest a role for NFAT transcription factors in the regulation of the aP2 gene and in the process of adipocyte differentiation.

Polymorphism in the 3′-untranslated region of TNFα mRNA impairs binding of the post-transcriptional regulatory protein HuR to TNFα mRNA

Tumor necrosis factor α (TNFα) acts as a beneficial mediator in the process of host defence. In recent years major interest has focused on the AU-rich elements (AREs) present in the 3′-untranslated region (3′-UTR) of TNFα mRNA as this region plays a pivotal role in post-transcriptional control of TNFα production. Certain stimuli, such as lipopolysaccharides, a component of the Gram-negative bacterial cell wall, have the ability to relinquish the translational suppression of TNFα mRNA imposed by these AREs in macrophages, thereby enabling the efficient production of the TNFα. In this study we show that the polymorphism (GAU trinucleotide insertional mutation) present in the regulatory 3′-UTR of TNFα mRNA of NZW mice results in the hindered binding of RNA-binding proteins, thereby leading to a significantly reduced production of TNFα protein. We also show that the binding of macrophage proteins to the main ARE is also decreased by another trinucleotide (CAU) insertion in the TNFα 3′-UTR. One of the proteins affected by the GAU trinucleotide insertional mutation was identified as HuR, a nucleo-cytoplasmic shuttling protein previously shown to play a prominent role in the stability and translatability of mRNA containing AREs. Since binding of this protein most likely modulates the stability, translational efficiency and transport of TNFα mRNA, these results suggest that mutations in the ARE of TNFα mRNA decrease the production of TNFα protein in macrophages by hindering the binding of HuR to the ARE.

Identification of urocortin III, an additional member of the corticotropin-releasing factor (CRF) family with high affinity for the CRF2 receptor

The corticotropin-releasing factor (CRF) family of neuropeptides includes the mammalian peptides CRF, urocortin, and urocortin II, as well as piscine urotensin I and frog sauvagine. The mammalian peptides signal through two G protein-coupled receptor types to modulate endocrine, autonomic, and behavioral responses to stress, as well as a range of peripheral (cardiovascular, gastrointestinal, and immune) activities. The three previously known ligands are differentially distributed anatomically and have distinct specificities for the two major receptor types. Here we describe the characterization of an additional CRF-related peptide, urocortin III, in the human and mouse. In searching the public human genome databases we found a partial expressed sequence tagged (EST) clone with significant sequence identity to mammalian and fish urocortin-related peptides. By using primers based on the human EST sequence, a full-length human clone was isolated from genomic DNA that encodes a protein that includes a predicted putative 38-aa peptide structurally related to other known family members. With a human probe, we then cloned the mouse ortholog from a genomic library. Human and mouse urocortin III share 90% identity in the 38-aa putative mature peptide. In the peptide coding region, both human and mouse urocortin III are 76% identical to pufferfish urocortin-related peptide and more distantly related to urocortin II, CRF, and urocortin from other mammalian species. Mouse urocortin III mRNA expression is found in areas of the brain including the hypothalamus, amygdala, and brainstem, but is not evident in the cerebellum, pituitary, or cerebral cortex; it is also expressed peripherally in small intestine and skin. Urocortin III is selective for type 2 CRF receptors and thus represents another potential endogenous ligand for these receptors.

A human homologue of the Drosophila sex determination factor transformer-2 has conserved splicing regulatory functions.

Regulation of gene expression through alternative pre-mRNA splicing appears to occur in all metazoans, but most of our knowledge about splicing regulators derives from studies on genetically identified factors from Drosophila. Among the best studied of these is the transformer-2 (TRA-2) protein which, in combination with the transformer (TRA) protein, directs sex-specific splicing of pre-mRNA from the sex determination gene doublesex (dsx). Here we report the identification of htra-2 alpha, a human homologue of tra-2. Two alternative types of htra-2 alpha cDNA clones were identified that encode different protein isoforms with striking organizational similarity to Drosophila tra-2 proteins. When expressed in flies, one hTRA-2 alpha isoform partially replaces the function of Drosophila TRA-2, affecting both female sexual differentiation and alternative splicing of dsx pre-mRNA. Like Drosophila TRA-2, the ability of hTRA-2 alpha to regulate dsx is female-specific and depends on the presence of the dsx splicing enhancer. These results demonstrate that htra-2 alpha has conserved a striking degree of functional specificity during evolution and leads us to suggest that, although they are likely to serve different roles in development, the tra-2 products of flies and humans have similar molecular functions.

Identification of the zinc-dependent endothelial cell binding protein for high molecular weight kininogen and factor XII: identity with the receptor that binds to the globular "heads" of C1q (gC1q-R).

High molecular weight kininogen (HK) and factor XII are known to bind to human umbilical vein endothelial cells (HUVEC) in a zinc-dependent and saturable manner indicating that HUVEC express specific binding site(s) for those proteins. However, identification and immunochemical characterization of the putative receptor site(s) has not been previously accomplished. In this report, we have identified a cell surface glycoprotein that is a likely candidate for the HK binding site on HUVECs. When solubilized HUVEC membranes were subjected to an HK-affinity column in the presence or absence of 50 microM ZnCl2 and the bound membrane proteins eluted, a single major protein peak was obtained only in the presence of zinc. SDS/PAGE analysis and silver staining of the protein peak revealed this protein to be 33 kDa and partial sequence analysis matched the NH2 terminus of gC1q-R, a membrane glycoprotein that binds to the globular "heads" of C1q. Two other minor proteins of approximately 70 kDa and 45 kDa were also obtained. Upon analysis by Western blotting, the 33-kDa band was found to react with several monoclonal antibodies (mAbs) recognizing different epitopes on gC1q-R. Ligand and dot blot analyses revealed zinc-dependent binding of biotinylated HK as well as biotinylated factor XII to the isolated 33-kDa HUVEC molecule as well as recombinant gC1q-R. In addition, binding of 125I-HK to HUVEC cells was inhibited by selected monoclonal anti-gC1q-R antibodies. C1q, however, did not inhibit 125I-HK binding to HUVEC nor did those monoclonals known to inhibit C1q binding to gC1q-R. Taken together, the data suggest that HK (and factor XII) bind to HUVECs via a 33-kDa cell surface glycoprotein that appears to be identical to gC1q-R but interact with a site on gC1q-R distinct from that which binds C1q.

An essential regulatory role for macrophage migration inhibitory factor in T-cell activation.

The protein known as macrophage migration inhibitory factor (MIF) was one of the first cytokines to be discovered and was described 30 years ago to be a T-cell-derived factor that inhibited the random migration of macrophages in vitro. A much broader role for MIF has emerged recently as a result of studies that have demonstrated it to be released from the anterior pituitary gland in vivo. MIF also is the first protein that has been identified to be secreted from monocytes/macrophages upon glucocorticoid stimulation. Once released, MIF acts to "override" or counter-regulate the suppressive effects of glucocorticoids on macrophage cytokine production. We report herein that MIF plays an important regulatory role in the activation of T cells induced by mitogenic or antigenic stimuli. Activated T cells produce MIF and neutralizing anti-MIF antibodies inhibit T-cell proliferation and interleukin 2 production in vitro, and suppress antigen-driven T-cell activation and antibody production in vivo. T cells also release MIF in response to glucocorticoid stimulation and MIF acts to override glucocorticoid inhibition of T-cell proliferation and interleukin 2 and interferon gamma production. These studies indicate that MIF acts in concert with glucocorticoids to control T-cell activation and assign a previously unsuspected but critical role for MIF in antigen-specific immune responses.

Complexity of the erythroid transcription factor NF-E2 as revealed by gene targeting of the mouse p18 NF-E2 locus.

High-level globin expression in erythroid precursor cells depends on the integrity of NF-E2 recognition sites, transcription factor AP-1-like protein-binding motifs, located in the upstream regulatory regions of the alpha- and beta-globin loci. The NF-E2 transcription factor, which recognizes these sites, is a heterodimer consisting of (i) p45 NF-E2 (the larger subunit), a hematopoietic-restricted basic leucine zipper protein, and (ii) a widely expressed basic leucine zipper factor, p18 NF-E2, the smaller subunit. p18 NF-E2 protein shares extensive homology with the maf protooncogene family. To determine an in vivo role for p18 NF-E2 protein we disrupted the p18 NF-E2-encoding gene by homologous recombination in murine embryonic stem cells and generated p18 NF-E2-/- mice. These mice are indistinguishable from littermates throughout all phases of development and remain healthy in adulthood. Despite the absence of expressed p18 NF-E2, DNA-binding activity with the properties of the NF-E2 heterodimer is present in fetal liver erythroid cells of p18 NF-E2-/- mice. We speculate that another member of the maf basic leucine zipper family substitutes for the p18 subunit in a complex with p45 NF-E2. Thus, p18 NF-E2 per se appears to be dispensable in vivo.

Opposing early and late effects of insulin-like growth factor I on differentiation and the cell cycle regulatory retinoblastoma protein in skeletal myoblasts.

The mechanisms by which insulin-like growth factors (IGFs) can be both mitogenic and differentiation-promoting in skeletal myoblasts are unclear because these two processes are believed to be mutually exclusive in this tissue. The phosphorylation state of the ubiquitous nuclear retinoblastoma protein (Rb) plays an important role in determining whether myoblasts proliferate or differentiate: Phosphorylated Rb promotes mitogenesis, whereas un- (or hypo-) phosphorylated Rb promotes cell cycle exit and differentiation. We hypothesized that IGFs might affect the fate of myoblasts by regulating the phosphorylation of Rb. Although long-term IGF treatment is known to stimulate differentiation, we find that IGFs act initially to inhibit differentiation and are exclusively mitogenic. These early effects of IGFs are associated with maintenance of Rb phosphorylation typical of proliferating cells; upregulation of the gene expression of cyclin-dependent kinase 4 and cyclin D1, components of a holoenzyme that plays a principal role in mediating Rb phosphorylation; and marked inhibition of the gene expression of myogenin, a member of the MyoD family of skeletal muscle-specific transcription factors that is essential in muscle differentiation. We also find that IGF-induced inhibition of differentiation occurs through a process that is independent of its mitogenic effects. We demonstrate, thus, that IGFs regulate Rb phosphorylation and cyclin D1 and cyclin-dependent kinase 4 gene expression; together with their biphasic effects on myogenin expression, these results suggest a mechanism by which IGFs are initially mitogenic and subsequently differentiation-promoting in skeletal muscle.

Domains of transcription factor Sp1 required for synergistic activation with sterol regulatory element binding protein 1 of low density lipoprotein receptor promoter.

Feedback regulation of transcription from the low density lipoprotein (LDL) receptor gene is fundamentally important in the maintenance of intracellular sterol balance. The region of the LDL receptor promoter responsible for normal sterol regulation contains adjacent binding sites for the ubiquitous transcription factor Sp1 and the cholesterol-sensitive sterol regulatory element-binding proteins (SREBPs). Interestingly, both are essential for normal sterolmediated regulation of the promoter. The cooperation by Sp1 and SREBP-1 occurs at two steps in the activation process. SREBP-1 stimulates the binding of Sp1 to its adjacent recognition site in the promoter followed by enhanced stimulation of transcription after both proteins are bound to DNA. In the present report, we have defined the protein domains of Sp1 that are required for both synergistic DNA binding and transcriptional activation. The major activation domains of Sp1 that have previously been shown to be essential to activation of promoters containing multiple Sp1 sites are required for activation of the LDL receptor promoter. Additionally, the C domain is also crucial. This slightly acidic approximately 120-amino acid region is not required for efficient synergistic activation by multiple Sp1 sites or in combination with other recently characterized transcriptional regulators. We also show that Sp1 domain C is essential for full, enhanced DNA binding by SREBP-1. Taken together with other recent studies on the role of Sp1 in promoter activation, the current experiments suggest a unique combinatorial mechanism for promoter activation by two distinct transcription factors that are both essential to intracellular cholesterol homeostasis.