Children and war

Children bear disproportionate consequences of armed conflict. The 21st century continues to see patterns of children enmeshed in international violence between opposing combatant forces, as victims of terrorist warfare, and, perhaps most tragically of all, as victims of civil wars. Innocent children so often are the victims of high-energy wounding from military ordinance. They sustain high-energy tissue damage and massive burns - injuries that are not commonly seen in civilian populations. Children have also been deliberately targeted victims in genocidal civil wars in Africa in the past decade, and hundreds of thousands have been killed and maimed in the context of close-quarter, hand-to-hand assaults of great ferocity. Paediatricians serve as uniformed military surgeons and as civilian doctors in both international and civil wars, and have a significant strategic role to play as advocates for the rights and welfare of children in the context of the evolving 'Laws of War'. One chronic legacy of contemporary warfare is blast injury to children from landmines. Such blasts leave children without feet or lower limbs, with genital injuries, blindness and deafness. This pattern of injury has become one of the post-civil war syndromes encountered by all intensivists and surgeons serving in four of the world's continents. The continued advocacy for the international ban on the manufacture, commerce and military use of antipersonnel landmines is a part of all paediatricians' obligation to promote the ethos of the Laws of War. Post-traumatic stress disorder remains an undertreated legacy of children who have been trapped in the shot and shell of battle as well as those displaced as refugees. An urgent, unfocused and unmet challenge has been the increase in, and plight of, child soldiers themselves. A new class of combatant comprises these children, who also become enmeshed in the triad of anarchic civil war, light-weight weaponry and drug or alcohol addiction. The International Criminal Court has outlawed as a War Crime, the conscription of children under 15 years of age. Nevertheless, there remain more than 300 000 child soldiers active and enmeshed in psychopathic violence as part of both civil and international warfare. The typical profile of a child soldier is of a boy between the ages of 8 and 18 years, bonded into a group of armed peers, almost always an orphan, drug or alcohol addicted, amoral, merciless, illiterate and dangerous. Paediatricians have much to do to protect such war-enmeshed children, irrespective of the accident of their place of birth. Only by such vigorous and maintained advocacy can the world's children be better protected from the scourge of future wars.

Supreme Emergencies and the protection of non-combatants in war

Is it ever justifiable to target non-combatants deliberately? This article assesses Michael Walzer's claim that the deliberate targeting of non-combatants may be justifiable during 'supreme emergencies', a view that has received some support but that has elicited little debate. It argues that the supreme emergencies exception to the prohibition on targeting non-combatants is problematic for at least four reasons. First, its utilitarianism contradicts Walzer's wider ethics of war based on a conception of human rights. Second, the exception may undermine the principle of non-combatant immunity. Third, it is based on a historical fallacy. Finally, it is predicated on a strategic fallacy-the idea that killing noncombatants can win wars. The case for rejecting the exception, however, has been opposed by those who persuasively argue that it is wrong to tie leaders' hands when they confront supreme emergencies. The final part of the article addresses this question and suggests that the principle of proportionality may give political leaders room for manoeuvre in supreme emergencies without permitting them deliberately to target non-combatants.

The responsibility to protect and the crisis in Darfur

Governments that have endorsed the 'sovereignty as responsibility' approach have shown little inclination to protect civilians suffering at the hands of their own government in the Sudanese province of Darfur. After providing an overview of Darfur's crisis and international society's feeble response, we explore why the strongest advocates of 'sovereignty as responsibility', the NATO and EU states, failed to seriously contemplate military intervention. We suggest that three main factors help explain the West's unwillingness to intervene in Darfur: increased scepticism about the West's humanitarian interventionism, especially after the invasion of Iraq; Western strategic interests in Sudan; and the relationship between the crisis in Darfur and Sudan's other civil wars. We conclude that the emerging norm of humanitarian intervention remains weak and strongly contested, and that advocates of the 'responsibility to protect' approach have yet to persuade their governments to help save populations in danger.

The credentialing of counselling in Australia

Counselling is an unregulated activity in Australia. No statutory regulation currently exists. As a result, different counselling organizations are promoting different voluntary standards for the practice of counselling. This has led to a credentialing dilemma in which counsellors and the public are confronted with a number of counselling qualification choices. This dilemma poses a number of questions: Should counselling become more regulated in Australia? At what level should counselling be regulated? Should there be various levels of counsellor regulation? This article provides an overview of the credentialing dilemma facing counselling in Australia, compares and contrasts two main Australian accreditation efforts, and proposes cooperation as a way of navigating said dilemma. The implications for counselling as a profession are discussed along with suggestions for its development as a profession. This includes a discussion regarding the relative advantages and disadvantages of greater regulation of counselling as a professional activity in Australia. Specifically, what is and is not generally considered a profession is reviewed, different forms of credentialing are outlined, and general arguments for and against accreditation efforts are presented. The efforts of the Australian Counselling Association (ACA) and the Psychotherapy and Counselling Federation of Australia (PACFA) are compared and are shown to have common ground. Consequently, ways in which the main counselling organizations may best work in conjunction to promote counselling as a profession in Australia are proposed. These suggestions include good communication, collaboration, and the avoidance of turf wars. Specifically, that the ACA and PACFA collaborate on developing a combined independent registration list that is supported by both organizations or, minimally, that both organizations have mutual recognition on each other's register lists.

Mapping the notion of "terrorism" in Serbian and Croation newspapers

The September 11 terrorist attacks in the United States have reconfigured the global public debates as of how to defend a "civilized" world from the "Islamic terrorism." The U.S.-led war on terror against extremist groups also produced and triggered a particular discourse in the former Yugoslav countries. The main aim of this article is to present an example of a study that explores how media appropriate dominant global antiterrorism discourse and apply it to a local context to legitimize and justify specific ideologies and discourse. As our critical discourse analysis shows, Serbian and Croatian newspapers apply the global discourse of terrorism to their local context to excuse their nationalisms and the past military actions against the Muslims in former Yugoslav wars, and with that, they assert their belonging to an antiterrorism global discursive community. © 2006 Sage Publications.

Signal or Noise? Information Theory and the Novel

In the context of a hostile funding environment, universities are increasingly asked to justify their output in narrowly defined economic terms, and this can be difficult in Humanities or Arts faculties where productivity is rarely reducible to a simple financial indicator. This can lead to a number of immediate consequences that I have no need to rehearse here, but can also result in some interesting tensions within the academic community itself. First is that which has become known as the ‘Science Wars���: the increasingly acrimonious exchanges between scientists and scientific academics and cultural critics or theorists about who has the right to describe the world. Much has already been said—and much remains to be said—about this issue, but it is not my intention to discuss it here. Rather, I will look at a second area of contestation: the incorporation of scientific theory into literary or cultural criticism. Much of this work comes from a genuine commitment to interdisciplinarity, and an appreciation of insights that a fresh perspective can bring to a familiar object. However, some can be seen as cynical attempts to lend literary studies the sort of empirical legitimacy of the sciences. In particular, I want to look at a number of critics who have applied information theory to the literary work. In this paper, I will examine several instances of this sort of criticism, and then, through an analysis of a novel by American author Richard Powers, Three Farmers on Their Way to a Dance, show how this sort of criticism merely reduces the meaningful analysis of a complex literary text.

Conflitos e Esperanças: um estudo em Gênesis 25-36 e na literatura profética da Bíblia Hebraica sobre a relação entre os descendentes de Esaú e Jacó

Na história da humanidade, a realidade de conflitos e de guerras entre povos vizinhos têm sido comum. O que mais assusta é o fato que, o discurso religioso, ao invés de desencorajar tais realidades pode incentivar e justificar os projetos de poder dessas nações. O estudo da Bíblia Hebraica pode lançar luzes para o entendimento das realidades de conflito entre nações e para o papel do discurso religioso nestes. Para isto, essa pesquisa propôs-se a estudar narrativas que abordam a origem e o desenvolvimento de rivalidades e de conflitos internacionais. Especialmente, estudou as narrativas familiares e os oráculos proféticos que abordaram a rivalidade, os conflitos e o ódio entre Israel/Judá e Edom para propor uma releitura capaz de encorajar projetos de paz. Os exercícios exegéticos nas narrativas familiares (Gn 35-36) e nos oráculos proféticos contra Edom (nas coleções de oráculos contra as nações, no livro de Obadias, e em perícopes de Is 63,1-6 e de Ml 1,2-5) abordaram o material literário da Bíblia Hebraica para investigar sobre a origem e o desenvolvimento dos conflitos entre Israel/Judá e Edom. Especial atenção foi dada ao estudo da construção histórica do ódio e o papel da literatura religiosa no crescente desenvolvimento das rivalidades, animosidades e conflitos. O primeiro capítulo estudou a saga de Isaque como documento histórico e teológico que abordou a origem familiar da rivalidade entre os irmãos gêmeos, com diferenças significativas na construção de suas vidas e identidades. O segundo capítulo estudou, na literatura profética, os Oráculos contra as Nações e, mais especificamente, os oráculos contra Edom. Nesta fase estudou a importância desse gênero literário na construção de uma teologia mais universal que atribuía a Deus o controle da história, visando maior cuidado com Israel. O terceiro capítulo também avaliou outro material profético que abordou o conflito e, até mesmo, o ódio divino contra os edomitas (Is 63,1-6 e Ml 1,2-5). Nestes, percebeu-se o acirramento dos conflitos e a construção de um discurso religioso mais animoso contra Edom. Os estudos nas narrativas de rivalidade e de conflitos entre Israel/Judá e Edom na Bíblia Hebraica procuraram destacar, na dinâmica história de conflitos, as esperanças de paz para as relações internacionais. Sobretudo, propôs reler esses textos para a construção de um discurso religioso-teológico que estimule a tolerância e a ética da paz.

SANTIFICAR A JAVÉ UM ESTUDO DE ISAÍAS 8,11-15

Esta pesquisa visa analisar a mensagem de Javé transmitida através do profeta Isaías em meio à guerra siro-efraimita (734-732 a.C.), no tempo do rei Acaz. A primeira parte deste trabalho fornece uma panorâmica histórica da situação tanto internacional quanto nacional da nação de Judá. No meio de sinais de guerras, invasões estrangeiras, desolação e aumento de tributos que acarretam maior insegurança para os setores mais empobrecidos, Javé faz sua aposta pela vida de Israel. Através do oráculo profético mo stra um caminho que pode chegar a subverter a ordem de um injusto sistema político advindo do próprio pecado da nação de Israel. Neste texto, santificar a Javé é a trilha que pode livrar-lhes da queda e da destruição. Santificar a Javé significa cuidar e preservar a vida, especialmente dos mais desprotegidos. Isto implica optar conscientemente por uma nova ordem que garanta uma existência digna para todos e todas. O objetivo desta pesquisa é entender como o conceito de santificação salientado pelo profeta Isaías, na perícope (Is 8,11-15), pode ajudar-nos a superar os problemas cotidianos e fornecer-nos novas posturas éticas para enfrentar a vida, isto é um conceito de santificação que requer do engajamento com o povo, fundamentalmente com a população mais carente e necessitada atualmente. Por meio do trabalho exegético tentamos encontrar respostas escondidas entre palavras, termos e frases, procurando entender o texto em diálogo com a vida cotidiana de seu tempo e do nosso. Este estudo pretende providenciar subsídios para a leitura popular da Bíblia que está sendo realizada por muitos grupos nas igrejas e comunidades cristãs, que buscam novos caminhos, horizontes, sonhos e utopias para continuar a viver em meio de sociedades em crises e de tempos difíceis.(AU)

RECOMPOSIÇÕES IDENTITÁRIAS NA INTEGRAÇÃO RELIGIOSA E CULTURAL DA IGREJA MESSIÂNICA NO BRASIL

Esta pesquisa fundamenta-se na análise da integração religiosa e cultural da Igreja Messiânica Mundial (IMM) no Brasil e suas recomposições identitárias. A exploração do seu universo simbólico é tida como uma das chaves para a compreensão da identidade messiânica. O emblema da igreja é símbolo da cultura cruzada e harmonia entre diferentes. No Brasil, em especial, o Solo Sagrado de Guarapiranga é expressão do Paraíso Terrestre, próposito maior da mensagem messiânica da IMM. Devido à sua peculiaridade como religião de origem japonesa pouco familiar ao público brasileiro, são apresentadas algumas tendências constituintes (autóctones, xamânicas, de crenças populares, xintoístas, confucionistas e hindu-budistas) e conceitos messiânicos tendo em vista sua relevância no processo de construção da identidade messiânica brasileira. Conforme a natureza dos conceitos, optou-se por uma visão comparada entre a Igreja Messiânica e outras novas religiões japonesas (NRJ) como a Mahikari, Perfeita Liberdade, Seicho-no-Ie e Tenrikyo. No concernente à reencarnação, em especial, a visão comparada com o Espiritismo possibilitou aproximações com a religiosidade brasileira. A partir da contextualização histórica e compreensão da adoção da nomenclatura messiânica , foram abordadas as concepções de espírito da palavra , ultra-religião , purificação e doença , benefícios materiais , autocultivo bem como as várias dimensões da experiência religiosa brasileira: ecológica, inter-religiosa, artística e messiânica no sentido estrito do termo. A concepção de ultra-religião de Meishu-Sama (nome religioso de Mokiti Okada, 1882-1955), sobretudo, necessita ser compreendida à luz da trajetória de consolidação da religião em um contexto peculiar do Japão do início do século XX. Antes de fundar a religião messiânica, Okada transitou no mundo das artes, dos negócios, editorial, e por fim ideológico-religioso em seu contato com a religião Oomoto e outras expressões religiosas que pululavam no Japão no período de entre-guerras. O processo dinâmico de interação de tendências diversas, característico das NRJ, em contato com a religiosidade brasileira impulsiona uma série de ressignificações sincréticas nipo-brasileira marcada por processos criativos singulares. A ênfase na figura do Messias Meishu-Sama, a prática do sonen e a criação da teologia messiânica são alguns dos elementos fundamentais da mais recente recomposição identitária da religião no país. Diante das sucessivas transformações das abordagens institucionais e da introdução de múltiplas dimensões da vivência messiânica, a construção identitária da IMM, que abrange aspectos religiosos e ultra-religiosos , torna-se cada vez mais complexa e multifacetada.(AU)

O USO DAS TECNOLOGIAS DA INFORMAÇÃO NA LIBERAÇÃO DE DADOS NA REDE: O CASO WIKILEAKS

O trabalho apresenta um estudo de caso do site Wikileaks, fundado pelo ex-hacker australiano Julian Assange, que ganhou fama mundial em 2010 por vazar documentos secretos dos Estados Unidos relacionados às guerras do Afeganistão e Iraque, e das embaixadas americanas de todo o mundo. A publicação de todo este conteúdo gerou uma grande controvérsia no alto escalão da política internacional e trouxe a tona como os donos do poder e da mídia monopolizada agem para calar os discursos de narradores que podem colocar a sobrevivência política destes atores do poder em risco. Este trabalho, portanto, apresenta um caso onde as novas mídias digitais promoveram aquele que foi chamado de o maior vazamento da história e como os atores políticos reagiram a este fenômeno, com uma campanha de pressão e difamação de Assange para tentar cessar as ações do site.

Metaphors in Hugo Chávez's political discourse:conceptualizing nation, revolution and opposition

This book provides the first comprehensive analysis of metaphors used by Hugo Chávez in his efforts to construct and legitimize his Bolivarian Revolution. It focuses on metaphors drawn from three of his most frequent target domains: the nation, his revolution, and the opposition. The author argues that behind an official discourse of inclusion, Chávez's choice of metaphors contributes to the construction of a polarizing discourse of exclusion in which his political opponents are represented as enemies of the nation. Chávez constructs this polarizing discourse of exclusion by combining metaphors that conceptualize: (a) the nation as a person who has been resurrected by his government, as a person ready to fight for his revolution, or as Chávez himself; (b) the revolution as war; and (c) members of the opposition as war combatants or criminals. At the same time, by making explicit references in his discourse about the revolution as the continuation of Simón Bolívar's wars of independence, Chávez contributes to represent opponents as enemies of the nation, given that in the Venezuelan collective imaginary Bolívar is the symbol of the nation's emancipation.

Die Poetik des Extremen. Ausschreitungen einer Sprache des Radikalen:excesses of a language of radical

Gibt es eine Traditionslinie extremistischer Poetiken in der deutschsprachigen Literatur? Uwe Schütte untersucht anhand literarischer Texte ab dem späten 18. Jahrhundert den Konnex zwischen historischen Phänomenen wie Revolution, Krieg oder Terrorismus und extremen biografischen Umständen wie Schizophrenie für die Herausbildung radikaler Schreibweisen. Die Spannbreite der behandelten Autoren reicht dabei von der Klassikertrias Kleist, Hölderlin und Büchner über Schriftsteller des 20. Jahrhunderts wie Ernst Jünger oder Hans Henny Jahnn bis zu den Gegenwartsautoren Ernst Herbeck und Rainald Goetz. The study investigates aesthetic representations of extremism in German-language literature from around 1800 to the present. Its aim is to examine the interplay between three different areas: historical circumstances, (auto)biographical issues, and literary texts. Discussed are texts by both major and marginal writers from various genres, ranging from classics such as Heinrich von Kleist or Friedrich Hölderlin to the marginalised poet Ernst Herbeck or the contemporary writer Rainald Goetz. Subjects and factors considered include extremist phenomena in modern history (such as revolutions, wars, terrorism) and extreme individual experiences (such as suicide or schizophrenia) on the aesthetic domain(s) with regard to the production of literary discourses that could be considered as extremist. These manifest themselves in the development of what can be viewed as ‘radical poetics’, decidedly innovative styles of writing and moral or political transgression in fiction. Being the first critical attempt to trace the history of radical discourses in German literature, the study explores the validity of creating an aesthetic category of 'literary extremism'.

War crimes, conditionality and EU integration in the Western Balkans

The baleful legacy of the wars of the 1990s continues to dog the states and societies of the former Yugoslavia and has overshadowed the disappointingly slow and hesitant trajectory of the region towards the EU. At the start of the new millennium, with the removal of key wartime leaders from the political scene in both Croatia and Serbia, it was widely hoped that the region would prove able to ‘leave the past behind’ and rapidly move on to the hopeful new agenda of EU integration. The EU’s Copenhagen criteria, which in 1993 first explicitly set out the basic political conditions expected of aspirant EU Member States, proved effective in the case of the new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe in supporting the entrenchment of democratic norms and practices, and stimulating reconciliation and good neighbourly relations among countries with turbulent histories. Building on this experience, the Stabilisation and Association Process, launched for the countries of the Western Balkans in 1999, included both full cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and regional reconciliation among the political conditions set for advancing these countries on the path to EU integration. EU political conditionality was intended to support the efforts of new political leaders to redefine national goals away from the nationalist enmities of the past and focus firmly on forging a path to a better future. This Chaillot Paper examines the extent to which this strategy has worked, especially in the light of the difficulties it has encountered in the face of strong resistance to cooperation among sections of the former Yugoslav population, many of whom have not yet fully acknowledged the crimes committed during the 1990s. Key chapters in the volume raise the vital questions of leadership and political will. EU political conditionality does not work unless the EU has a partner ready and willing to ‘play the game’, which presupposes that EU integration has become the overriding priority on the national political agenda.