Comunicação pública e marketing político na gestão pública municipal

Based on the definitions of Public Communication, Political Marketing, Public Interest Information and Communication as a Tool of Governance, the study notes the use of the news section of the websites of the City Christmas and Mossoro, Rio Grande do Norte, in regard to strengthening citizenship and encouraging participatory management, from the characterization of materials like pieces of Political Marketing and Public Communication. Data collection in qualitative research was conducted from August to September 2011 and content analysis showed that the appropriation of public property for personal use is a reality, despite legal requirements to the detriment of strategic communication and governance for results from the dissemination of information of public interest and the establishment of a communication channel between State Government and Society. Elements of this study suggest the need for further research to deepen the discussion

Conto com o seu voto: marketing político eleitoral no primeiro turno das eleições presidenciais de 2010

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

Constituição, consolidação e ocaso do capital político: uma compreensão sociológica da "Era Tasso" no Ceará

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

O compromisso político do serviço prestado pela Fundação Bradesco na cidade de João Pessoa

In this work we have analyzed the political commitment of the social assistance sponsored by the Bradesco Foundation in João Pessoa. This Foundation is a private institution of public interest that provides social assistance to low income populations all over Brazil. This kind of work is one of the oldest management initiatives in what is actually referred to as managers` social responsibility. This thesis assumes that managers who are in fact socially responsible should guide their actions by the principles of social democracy, so that everyone can enjoy citizens` social freedom, and guarantee their rights as well as the political awareness of social actors. Analysis of documents and a qualitative approach have been applied to the pedagogical Project of the Foundation, as well as phenomenology to study the social profile of their students. The analysis of the pedagogical project as well as the students` standpoint towards life reveals that the Bradesco Foundation is indeed committed to the social efficacy of its students. The educational proposal of the organization includes those elements that are required for teenagers` education envisaging participative citizenship. The teenagers` speech reveals that they have developed the project identity, being therefore able to take part in the process of political transformation of our time. The results indicate that the Bradesco Foundation not only guarantees some of the basic social rights for the healthy development of those who attend their courses, but also sponsors a high level education providing both a technical and a political formation

1930, a Paraíba e o inconsciente político da revolução: a narrativa como ato socialmente simbólico

This work is an attempt to show that the ideological conflict that has been developed by the hegemony of the 1930 Revolution historical events in Paraíba, conceptually turned into an insoluble social contradiction. It ocurred due to imaginary or formal resolutions of the literature that ended up by altering the epistemological rules of the relation between fiction and reality. The present work is based on The unconscious politics: a narrative as a socially symbolic act , book in which all the literary or cultural texts can and should be read as symbolic resolutions to insoluble social contradictions. From string to contemporary literature this phenomenon has been registered by the several ways of textual production turning the 1930 Revolution into one of the main elements which guides the political scene of Paraíba. The ideological groups still centered on the political resentment and committed to a political conflict forged the existence of two historical truths: one which suits the liberais , the winners, and another is of the 1930 conflict. This work argues in favour of the unconscious politics of the 1930 Revolution. This thesis considers necessarily the relation that the Paraibana society maintains with its past and how this past reaches in the present the liberation of a hidden and repressed truth through its narrativization. Beyond that, how the ideological partiality generated the political resentment through the way of thinking of the rivals under the perspective of the good and evil reveals its insoluble social contradiction. Process which comprehends varied narrative forms of the mass culture products and literary production, as in the methodological perspective pointed by Fredric Jameson that all literary or cultural texts can and shall be read as symbolic resolutions of true political and social contradictions. In the case of Paraiba we will have resolutions that search for the reasons which caused the death of João Pessoa: forgery and publicity of love letters, dispute over the official version of suicide commited by João Dantas, the man who assassinated João Pessoa

A construção de um estilo de vida: família e relações de gênero na participação do projeto ético-político renovado

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

A investigação criminal e a vedação ao anonimato no sistema jurídico brasileiro

The thesis, prepared with basis on deductive reasoning (through the utilization of general concepts of the fundamental rights theory) and on inductive logic (by means of the consideration of particular situations in which the theme has been approached) deals with the criminal investigation and the prohibition of anonymity in the Brazilian law system. The state criminal investigation activity presents not only a substantial constitutional basis, due to the objective dimension of fundamental rights (which imposes an obligation to protect these essential values), but also a formal constitutional basis, arising from the administrative principles of rule of law, morality and efficiency, referred to in article 37 of the Constitution. The criminal investigation, however, is not an unlimited pursuit, being restrained by the duty to consider fundamental rights that oppose to its realization. One of the limits of the state investigation activity, in the Brazilian law system, is the prohibition of anonymity, referred to in article 5°, IV, of the Constitution. This prohibition is a direct constitutional restriction to the freedom of expression that aims to ensure the credibility of the diffusion of ideas and prevent the abusive exercise of this fundamental right, which could harm both persons and the state, with no possibility of punishment to the offending party. Generally, based on this prohibition, it is affirmed that a criminal investigation cannot begin and progress founded on anonymous communication of crimes. Informations about crimes to the investigative authorities require the correct identification of the stakeholders. Therefore, it is sustained that the prohibition of anonymity also comprehends the prohibition of utilization of pseudonyms and heteronyms. The main purpose of this essay is to recognize the limits and possibilities in starting and conducting criminal investigations based on communication of crimes made by unidentified persons, behind the veil of anonymity or hidden by pseudonyms or heteronyms. Although the prohibition of article 5°, IV, of the Constitution is not submitted to direct or indirect constitutional restrictions, this impediment can be object of mitigation in certain cases, in attention to the constitutional values that support state investigation. The pertinence analysis of the restrictions to the constitutional anonymity prohibition must consider the proportionality, integrated by the partial elements of adequacy, necessity and strict sense proportionality. The criminal investigation is a means to achieve a purpose, the protection of fundamental rights, because the disclosure of facts, through the investigatory activity, gives rise to the accomplishment of measures in order to prevent or punish the violations eventually verified. So, the start and the development of the state criminal investigation activity, based on a crime communication carried out by an unidentified person, will depend on the demonstration that the setting up and continuity of an investigation procedure, in each case, are an adequate, necessary and (in a strict sense) proportional means to the protection of fundamental rights

A responsabilização criminal no estado democrático de direito: o equilíbrio entre a efetividade e os limites da pretensão punitiva da sociedade

This paper analyzes the relationship between fundamental rights and the exercise of the claim punitive society in a democratic state. It starts with the premise that there are fundamental rights that limit and determine the validity of all forms of manifestation of the claim punitive society (legislating, investigative, adjudicative or ministerial) and there are others that require the state the right exercise, fast and effective of these activities. Travels to history in order to see that the first meaning of these rights was built between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, after all a history of abuses committed by state agents in the exercise of criminal justice, and positively valued in the declarations of human rights and proclaimed in the constitutions after the American and French Revolutions, while the second meaning has been assigned between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, when, because of the serious social problems generated largely by absenteeism state, it was noted that in addition to subjective rights the individual against the state, fundamental rights are also objective values, which trigger an order directed the state to protect them against the action of the offending individuals themselves (duty to protect), the mission of which the State seeks to discharge, among other means, through the issue of legal rules typifying the behavior detrimental to such rights, subject to penalties, and the concrete actions of public institutions created by the Constitution to operate penal law. Under this double bias, it is argued that the rule violates the Constitution in the exercise of the claim punitive society as much as by excess malfere fundamental rights that limit, as when it allows facts wrong by offending fundamental rights, remain unpunished either by inaction or by insufficient measures taken abstractly or concretely provided