962 resultados para Novels of the Mexican Revolution


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Account of the British forces' expedition which captured Vincennes, Indiana in Dec. 1778, with an account of their eventual defeat in 1779 at the Battle of Vincennes by the American Revolutionary forces led by Col. George Rogers Clark.

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This thesis is a biographical examination of the life of Mohawk leader Deserontyou (Captain John) and covers the years from the 1730's up to, and briefly following, 1811. The social, economic and political position of the Mohawk people and Deserontyou's position within the Fort Hunter community prior to the Revolution are addressed first. The Revolutionary War years are then covered with emphasis placed on Deserontyou's military role, the unpleasant conditions at Lachine and the painful reality for the Mohawk people in the aftermath of Britain's defeat. The post-war settlement on the Bay of Quinte is then explored, including the difficulties that Deserontyou experienced with the land, with the British Government, and with his own people. The documents upon which this examination are based come from many primary collections including: The Draper Manuscripts, the Haldimand Papers, the Stuart Papers, Ontario Lands & Forest Survey Records, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, Episcopal Records, the Bell Papers, the File Collection, the Claus Papers and Indian Affairs Papers.

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This paper proposes a new approach to the study of sociological classics. This approach is pragmatic in character. It draws upon the social pragmatism of G.H. Mead and the sociology of texts of D.F. McKenzie. Our object of study is Norbert Elias’s On the Process of Civilization. The pragmatic genealogy of this book reveals the importance of taking materiality seriously. By documenting the successive entanglements between human agency and non-human factors, we discuss the origins of the book in the 1930s, how it was forgotten for thirty years, and how in the mid-1970s it became a sociological classic. We explain canonization as a matter of fusion between book’s material form and its content, in the context of the paperback revolution of the 1960s, the events of May 1968, and the demise of Parsons’ structural functionalism, and how this provided Elias with an opportunity to advance his model of sociology.

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The Ukrainian society in the run-up to the 2004 presidential election was in a state which political science literature characterises as an almost "ideal" condition for an outbreak of social unrest. Growing expectations, both economic and political, seemed vain due to mounting impediments. The victory of Viktor Yanukovych was perceived by many opinion-makers as a nail in the coffin of such aspirations.

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The independence of the mass media has been regularly restricted over the past two years in Ukraine. Following a period of relative freedom in 2005–2010, the scope of direct and indirect government control of the press has increased, cancelling out the achievements of the Orange Revolution in this area. The press in Ukraine is less and less able to perform its role as watchdog on the government and politicians and as a reliable source of information on the situation in the country to the public. This is mainly due to: (1) the concentration of the most important mass media in the hands of Ukraine’s most powerful oligarchs, whose business interests depend on the government; (2) the use of the press as instruments in political and business competition; (3) the ruling class’s subordination of the institutions which supervise the press; (4) repression used against media critical of the government and (5) the lack of an independent public broadcasting corporation. As a consequence, the press has hardly any impact on the political processes taking place ahead of the parliamentary election scheduled for 28 October. This is also an effect of a passiveness present in the Ukrainian public, who are tired of politics and are focused on social issues. Cases of abuse or corruption scandals revealed by the press do not provoke any response from the public and are rarely investigated by the public prosecution authorities. The more popular a given medium is, the more strongly it is controlled by the government. At present, television has to be recognised as the least reliable of the mass media. In turn, Internet news journals are characterised by the greatest pluralism but also have more limited accessibility. The political conditions in which the mass media operate in Ukraine lead to various forms of pathology. The most serious of them are censorship by the owners and self-censorship performed by journalists, and a great share of political advertorials. As the parliamentary election is approaching, the pathologies of the Ukrainian media market have been showing up with greater intensity.

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The Ukrainian oligarchic system, which developed into its ultimate shape during Leonid Kuchma’s second presidency, turned out to be very durable. The nature of close relations between the government and the oligarchs has not undergone any major changes either as a consequence of the Orange Revolution or following Victor Yanukovych’s victory in the presidential election of 2010. Although reshuffles have taken place inside the political and business elites, nothing seems to be able to change this system, at least in the medium term. This text is aimed at presenting the network of connections existing between big business and politics in Ukraine and at pointing to the key oligarchic groups and the political forces they support. A definite majority of papers concerning contemporary Ukrainian politics as a rule disregard or deal with this subject very superficially, while it is impossible to understand modern Ukraine without understanding a number of dependencies existing between the political and business elites there.

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To help promote a peaceful transition to democracy in Tunisia, a new MEDPRO Commentary by Rym Ayadi, Silvia Colombo, Maria Cristina Paciello and Nathalie Tocci calls upon the EU to act quickly on its declaration of support for “a genuine democratic transition” and to consult with political parties both from the transition government and beyond to prepare for the running of the next elections. A positive resolution of this crisis will only be achieved if the internal and external players follow the lessons of successful democratic transitions elsewhere.

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The outbreak of the Arab Spring and the unrest, revolution and war that followed during the course of 2011 have forced the EU to acknowledge the need to radically re-think its policy approach towards the Southern Mediterranean, including in the domain of migration. Migration and mobility now feature as key components of High Representative Catherine Ashton’s new framework for cooperation with the region (Partnership for Democracy and Shared Prosperity), while the EU has declared its intention to strengthen its external migration policy by setting up “mutually beneficial” partnerships with third countries – so-called ‘Dialogues for Migration, Mobility and Security’ – now placed at the centre of the EU’s renewed Global Approach to Migration and Mobility (GAMM). However, the success of this approach and its potential to establish genuine cooperative partnerships that will support smooth economic and political transformation in North Africa hinge on the working arrangements and institutional configurations shaping the renewed GAMM at EU level which has long been marked by internal fragmentation, a lack of transparency and a predominance of home affairs and security actors. This paper investigates the development of the Dialogues for Migration, Mobility and Security with the Southern Mediterranean in a post-Lisbon Treaty institutional setting. It asks to what extent has the application of the Lisbon Treaty and the creation of an “EU Foreign Minister” in High Representative Ashton, supported by a European External Action Service (EEAS), remedied or re-invigorated the ideological and institutional struggles around the implementation of the Global Approach? Who are the principal agents shaping and driving the Dialogues for Migration, Mobility and Security? Who goes abroad to speak on the behalf of the EU in these Dialogues and what impact does this have on the effectiveness, legitimacy and accountability of the Dialogues under the renewed GAMM as well as the wider prospects for the Southern Mediterranean?

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Despite accounting for a significant share of global trade and the resulting interdependencies from it, energy governance remains largely fragmented and there is no global framework or agreement defining the rules of energy trade. This paper, after presenting the main global and regional energy market developments, discusses the opportunities to ‘energise the TTIP’, i.e. to include a chapter dedicated to trade and cooperation in the sphere of energy. The shale revolution in the US, the ever-rising interconnectedness of energy markets (recently proven by the disappearance of the ‘Asian gas premium’) and the EU’s quest to diversify its energy supplies generally sets favourable conditions to reinforce energy relations between the EU and the US. The question, as is often the case, is whether there is sufficient political will to tighten relations in a strategic sphere with connotations for national security and sovereignty.

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Pleistocene summer sea-surface temperatures (SSST) have been reconstructed on a composite core section recovered in the Subantarctic Zone of the Southern Ocean from planktonic foraminifers applying the Modern Analog Technique. The composite consists of Core PS2489-2 and the sections recovered at ODP Site 1090, and documents the last 1.83 Ma. Three distinct climatic periods can be identified that mirror the Pleistocene development of the Southern Ocean hydrography. Cold climatic conditions prevailed at 43°S during glacial as well as during interglacial periods during the early Pleistocene (1.83-0.87 Ma), indicating a northward shift of isotherms that characterize the present-day Polar Front Zone by about 7° of latitude. Evidence shows a strong linkage between Southern Ocean and low latitude climate during that interval time. Between the Mid-Pleistocene Revolution (ca. 0.9 Ma) and the Mid-Brunhes Event (ca. 0.4 Ma), we observe higher amplitude fluctuations in the SSST between glacial and interglacial periods, corresponding to the temperature range between the present Polar Front and Subantarctic Front. These climatic variations have been related to changes in the northern hemisphere ice sheets. The past 0.4 Ma are characterized by strong SSST variations, of up to 8°C, between glacials and interglacials. Only during the climatic optima (stages 11.3, 9.3, 7.5, 7.1, 5.5, and the early Holocene), SSST exceeded present SSST at the core locality (10.2°C). Although the carbonate dissolution record exhibits high variability during the Pleistocene, it can be shown that SSST estimates were not significantly biased. The Mid-Brunhes dissolution cycle as well as the Mid-Pleistocene enhanced carbonate preservation appear to belong to a global long-term variability in carbonate preservation.