821 resultados para Nationalism -- Taiwan


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Breakthrough advances in microprocessor technology and efficient power management have altered the course of development of processors with the emergence of multi-core processor technology, in order to bring higher level of processing. The utilization of many-core technology has boosted computing power provided by cluster of workstations or SMPs, providing large computational power at an affordable cost using solely commodity components. Different implementations of message-passing libraries and system softwares (including Operating Systems) are installed in such cluster and multi-cluster computing systems. In order to guarantee correct execution of message-passing parallel applications in a computing environment other than that originally the parallel application was developed, review of the application code is needed. In this paper, a hybrid communication interfacing strategy is proposed, to execute a parallel application in a group of computing nodes belonging to different clusters or multi-clusters (computing systems may be running different operating systems and MPI implementations), interconnected with public or private IP addresses, and responding interchangeably to user execution requests. Experimental results demonstrate the feasibility of this proposed strategy and its effectiveness, through the execution of benchmarking parallel applications.

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Oral leukoplakias (OL) are potentially malignant lesions that are typically white in color. Smoking is considered a risk factor for developing OL, and dysplastic lesions are more prone to malignant transformation. The aim of this study was to describe the clinical features observed in dysplastic and non-dysplastic OL in both smokers and nonsmokers. A total of 315 cases of OL were retrieved and separated into either dysplastic or non-dysplastic lesions, and these cases were further categorized as originating in either smokers or non-smokers. Frequencies of the type of OL lesion, with respect to whether the patients smoked, were established. The results demonstrated that 131 cases of OL were dysplastic (74 smokers and 57 non-smokers), and 184 were non-dysplastic (96 smokers and 88 non-smokers). For OL cases in smokers for which information about alcohol consumption was also available (84 cases), the results revealed no significant difference in the amount of dysplastic and non-dysplastic lesions. Dysplastic lesions were more frequent in male smokers and in non-smoking females. The median age of smokers with cases of OL was significantly lower than in non-smokers; the lowest median ages were observed for female smokers with dysplastic OL. The most frequent anatomical sites of dysplastic lesions were the floor of the mouth in smokers and the tongue in non-smokers. Dysplastic lesions in smokers were significantly smaller than non-dysplastic lesions in non-smokers. Being a male smoker, being female, being younger, and having smaller lesions were associated with dysplastic features in OL. These clinical data may be important for predicting OL malignant transformation.

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Madrepora is one of the most ecologically important genera of reef-building scleractinians in the deep sea, occurring from tropical to high-latitude regions. Despite this, the taxonomic affinities and relationships within the genus Madrepora remain unclear. To clarify these issues, we sequenced the mitochondrial (mt) genome of the most widespread Madrepora species, M. oculata, and compared this with data for other scleractinians. The architecture of the M. oculara mt genome was very similar to that of other scleractinians, except for a novel gene rearrangement affecting only cox2 and cox3. This pattern of gene organization was common to four geographically distinct M. oculata individuals as well as the congeneric species M. minutiseptum, but was not shared by other genera that are closely related on the basis of cox1 sequence analysis nor other oculinids, suggesting that it might be unique to Madrepora. (C) 2012 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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Este artigo empreende um esforço de reintrepretação sobre o desenvolvimentismo no Brasil. Procura repensá-lo a partir da tríade estruturante que lhe confere sentido: um consenso ideológico sobre as potencialidades nacionais, um estilo de reflexão sobre o país e uma aposta no planejamento democrático e descentralizado. A política econômica é encarada mais como ferramenta do que um fim em si mesmo. Para tanto, acompanhou-se a trajetória Rômulo Almeida, de modo a traçar o pano de fundo do Brasil desenvolvimentista entre 1946 e 1964. Um esforço de coleta de material inédito produzido pelo economista baiano ao longo dos anos 1970 permitiu mostrar como ele revê sua rica trajetória de servidor público e oferece uma crítica à política econômica da ditadura militar, partindo de um pensamento sistêmico e de uma dialética planejadora. Ao final, são tecidas algumas considerações acerca das possibilidades de emergência de uma nova perspectiva desenvolvimentista para o país no contexto atual.

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[EN]The Kuroshio is known to intrude onto the continental shelf in the southern East China Sea northeast of Taiwan. Two types of intrusions are observed: large and small, depending on how far the Kuroshio penetrates onto the ECS continental shelf, and on the location where it crosses the shelf break. This study demonstrates that cyclonic eddies from the western Pacific induce some of these large Kuroshio intrusions. The large intrusions are identified from more than 20 years of drifter tracks archived in the Global Drifter Program historical database and from weekly and biweekly drifter deployments carried out between April 2008 and September 2009 west of the Green Island (Taiwan). Kuroshio intrusions are observed in all seasons. Cyclonic mesoscale eddies, generated in the Subtropical Countercurrent and North Equatorial Current regions of the northwest Pacific Ocean, propagate westward into the Kuroshio and are well correlated with the observed intrusions. During the intrusions, the mean sea level anomaly computed from AVISO gridded maps shows a well defined cyclonic circulation southeast of the I-Lan ridge. The mean sea level anomaly also shows the meandering pattern of the Kuroshio when it intrudes onto the continental shelf of the southern East China Sea. The high correlation between the Kuroshio volume transport in the East Taiwan Channel (observed with moorings) and the satellite sea level anomaly permits us to use sea level anomaly as a proxy for the Kuroshio volume transport. When direct transport measurements are not available, this proxy is used to verify that intrusions due to the westward propagating eddies occur when the Kuroshio transport is low. An analytical reduced gravity model of an incident baroclinic current upon a step shelf is used to explain the difference between the large and small intrusions.

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[POR] Partindo do pressuposto de que a ideia de África é, em muito, devedora do entendimento que os nacionalistas africanos tinham das suas sociedades, discute-se o contributo específico de três nacionalistas, conquanto um deles, Frantz Fanon não seja de origem africana, mas sim antilhana. O nacionalismo é, neste contexto, entendido como parte de um movimento mais vasto, o do renascimento africano, ciclicamente evocado pelos líderes africanos e, deste modo, entendido como um movimento de longa duração (longue durée).

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La tesi di Marco Perez intitolata “Luis Arana e i veterani di Euzkeldun Batzokija: la corrente ortodossa del nazionalismo basco”, può essere considerata come la biografia politica di uno dei personaggi più importanti del nazionalismo basco. Il lavoro di ricerca si centra fondamentalmente sull'ispiratore del nazionalismo euskaldun (e cofondatore del Partido Nacionalista Vasco) e della corrente che ne accompagnò e sostenne l'azione politica. Euzkeldun Batzokija fu il nome dato al primo circolo del PNV, fondato da Luis e Sabino Arana nel 1894. Successivamente, gli statuti del circolo e i suoi membri veterani furono presi come modello del nazionalismo primordiale (che si pretendeva definire sull'esempio dell'Ordine gesuita). Sul piano organizzativo la tesi si divide in sette capitoli che ricostruiscono il percorso politico di Luis Arana, dai primi documenti del 1879 fino alle ultime lettere inviate negli anni quaranta. Si tratta di un lungo periodo, che comprende momenti diversi della storia spagnola (dalle guerre carliste alla Guerra Civile spagnola) e del movimento aranista. In questo senso, sulla base di una generale e comparata riflessione sul nazionalismo, si analizza il movimento basco nei suoi rapporti con la modernità. Una realazione costruita attraverso concetti “diacronicamente” legati a un passato mitico e leggendario e comunque subalterna ai rapporti di forza tra le correnti del PNV. La corrente ortodossa fece sempre riferimento al nazionalismo “originario” (definito dai fratelli Arana nei primi anni del movimento) che fu un'espressione regionale del nazionalcattolicesimo spagnolo. Fu proprio Luis Arana a ricordare la finalità religiosa ed etnica del nazionalismo basco, respingendo qualsiasi aggiornamento teorico e organizzativo del PNV, intesi come una grave violazione dell'ortodossia aranista.

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This article offers an account of the 50th Ghanaian independence-day celebrations during March 2007. The multi-perspective approach examines how celebrations were experienced in the Ghanaian capital Accra by the political elite and the grass roots at a variety of official and unofficial events that took place on 5 and 6 March 2007. During the festivities the authors accompanied Ghanaian friends from different political factions and thus provide close-hand accounts of political controversies over issues regarding how the nation ought to organise and celebrate its Independence Day, controversies which provide important insights into Ghanaian political culture. From this it is clear that the celebrations not only serve as expressions of national pride but also moments of critical reflection on the nation, national values and socio-political unity. These reflections, manifest as disputes about national and ethnic symbols, centre on the conditions and limits of political, social, ethnic and regional inclusiveness. At the same time, underlying such disputes are commonalities resting not on substantive symbols, cultural traits or other objectifiable characteristics, but on a Ghanaian consensus to agree on the issues at stake and on the rules of debate. Controversy thus functions not to divide but rather to strengthen national consciousness and deepen a sense of commonality that Ghanaians generally express as their commitment to ‘unity in diversity’.

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Since 1900, the Yoruba people of South-western Nigeria have put its ethnic history at work in the construction of its identity in Nigeria. The exercise resulted in the creation of ethno-nationalist movements and the practice of ethnic politics, often expressed through violent attacks on the Nigerian State and some ethnic groups in Nigeria. Relying on mythological attachment to its traditions and subjective creation of cultural pride, the people created a sense of history that established a common interest among different Yoruba sub-groups in form of pan-Yoruba interest which forms the basis for the people’s imagination of nation. Through this, historical consciousness and socio-political space in which Yoruba people are located acted as instrumental forces employed by Yoruba political elites, both at colonial and post-colonial periods to demand for increasing access to political and economic resources in Nigeria. In form of nationalism, nationalist movements and ethnic politics continued in South-western Nigeria since 1900, yet without resulting to actual creation of an independent Yoruba State up to 2009. Through ethnographic data, the part played by history, tradition and modernity is examined in this paper. While it is concluded that ethno-nationalist movement and ethnic politics in Yoruba society are constructive agenda dated back to pre-colonial period, it continues to transform both in structure and function. Thus, Yoruba ethno-nationalist movement and ethnic politics is ambiguous, dynamic and complex, to the extent that it remains a challenge to State actions in Nigeria.

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Theatralität ist ein gängiges Konzept, um Theater in Afrika zu definieren. Wird dieses Konzept angewendet, so treten die historischen Unterschiede zwischen den verschiedenen Theaterformen in den Hintergrund. Deshalb ist es wichtig, Theater in einen kulturellen Kontext zu stellen, aus dem das Theater entsteht. Dadurch können nationale und internationale Suprastrukturen, die die sozialpolitische und wirtschaftliche Atmosphäre bestimmen, analysiert werden,. Da sich die aktuelle „globale“ Entwicklung auf neoliberale Grundsätze stützt, ist es offensichtlich, dass man Theater nicht diskutieren kann, ohne näher auf Neoliberalismus, Imperialismus, Kapitalismus, Entwicklungshilfe und Geberpolitik einzugehen.rnDerzeit werden die meisten Theaterprojekte in Tansania durch die Entwicklungshilfe oder ausländische Geberorganisationen unterstützt. Diese Organisationen stellen finanzielle Mittel zur Verfügung, um Theaterproduktionen auf unterschiedlichem Niveau zu ermöglichen. Diese Spendenpraxis hat zu der Fehlannahme geführt, dass Theater nur dann ein Theater ist, wenn es durch ausländische Organisationen finanziert wird. Jedoch ist es offensichtlich, dass diese finanziellen Mittel eine große Rolle in der Machtpolitik spielen. Diese Studie untersucht deshalb die Frage: Welchen Einfluss hat die neoliberale Politik, insbesondere durch die Entwicklungshilfe, auf das Theater in Tansania? Die Arbeit deckt einmal die Verbindung zwischen dem produzieren Theater und den verschiedenen dominierenden politischen Richtungen – von Nationalismus bis Neoliberalismus – auf. Darüber hinaus wird gezeigt, dass diese Verbindungen es dem Theater erschweren, diese Suprastrukturen zu vermeiden, durch die es finanziert wird. Das bedeutet, dass die neoliberale Politik mit seinen Merkmalen von Einengung, Unterdrückung und Ausbeutung auch ein eingeengtes, unterdrücktes und ausbeuterisches Theater hervorbringt. Dieser Studie bezeichnet ein solches Theater als Theater (Neo-)Liberalismus. Es ist ein Theater, das apolitisch auftritt, aber tatsächlich unter der neoliberal Politik des freien Markts und der Subventionsstreichungen ums Überleben kämpft.rnIndem diese Verbindungen zwischen Theater, Entwicklungshilfe und Geberorganisationen erläutert werden, kommt diese Forschung zu folgendem Ergebnis: Die Geberorganisationen haben kein Recht, unabhängig von der Höhe ihrer Spende, in die Souveränität eines Staates einzugreifen oder ein neues System einzuführen. Deshalb sollte die Loslösung von ausländischen Geberländern an erster Stelle stehen, damit sich das Theater ganz entwickeln und unabhängig überleben kann. Es ist deshalb notwendig, das Konzept des Volkstheaters neu zu definieren. Das Theater soll wieder mit den Initiativen von Menschen zu tun haben und ihre eigenen Themen in einem gewissen zeitlich und räumlichen Rahmen ansprechen.rnrn

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P>Outcrossing Arabidopsis species that diverged from their inbreeding relative Arabidopsis thaliana 5 million yr ago and display a biogeographical pattern of interspecific sympatry vs intraspecific allopatry provides an ideal model for studying impacts of gene introgression and polyploidization on species diversification. Flow cytometry analyses detected ploidy polymorphisms of 2x and 4x in Arabidopsis lyrata ssp. kamchatica of Taiwan. Genomic divergence between species/subspecies was estimated based on 98 randomly chosen nuclear genes. Multilocus analyses revealed a mosaic genome in diploid A. l. kamchatica composed of Arabidopsis halleri-like and A. lyrata-like alleles. Coalescent analyses suggest that the segregation of ancestral polymorphisms alone cannot explain the high inconsistency between gene trees across loci, and that gene introgression via diploid A. l. kamchatica likely distorts the molecular phylogenies of Arabidopsis species. However, not all genes migrated across species freely. Gene ontology analyses suggested that some nonmigrating genes were constrained by natural selection. High levels of estimated ancestral polymorphisms between A. halleri and A. lyrata suggest that gene flow between these species has not completely ceased since their initial isolation. Polymorphism data of extant populations also imply recent gene flow between the species. Our study reveals that interspecific gene flow affects the genome evolution in Arabidopsis.

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This article deals with the European minorities in the period between the two world wars and with their final expulsion from nation-states at the end of World War II. First, the tensions which arose between the organised minorities and the successor states of the Habsburg Monarchy are accounted for primarily by the argument that the various minorities located within the successor states had already undergone a comprehensive processes of nationalisation within the Habsburg Empire. Therefore they were able to resist assimilation by the political elites of the new titular nations (Czechs, Poles, Rumanians, Serbs). A second topic is that of the use made of the minorities issue by Adolf Hitler to help achieve his expansionist aims. The minorities issue was central to the international destabilisation of interwar Europe. Finally, the mass expulsion of minorities (above all, Germans) after the end of the war is explained by strategic considerations on the part of the Allied powers as well as involving the nation-state regimes. It is argued, against a commonly held view, that German atrocities during the period of occupation had little to do with the decision to expel most ethnic Germans from their territories of settlement in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. The article shows that it is necessary to treat national minorities in the first half of the twentieth century as a single phenomenon which shares similar features across the various nation-states of East-Central Europe.

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In one popular devotional poster the Indian god-man Shirdi Sai Baba (d. 1918) gazes out at the viewer, his right hand raised in blessing. Behind him are a Hindu temple, a Muslim mosque, a Sikh gurdwara, and a Christian church; above him is the slogan, “Be United, Be Virtuous.” In his lifetime, Shirdi Sai Baba acquired a handful of Hindu and Muslim devotees in western India. Over the past several decades, he has been transformed from a regional figure into a revered persona of pan-Indian significance. While much scholarship on religion in modern India has focused on Hindu nationalist groups, new religious movements seeking to challenge sectarianism have received far less attention. Drawing upon primary devotional materials and ethnographic research, this article argues that one significant reason for the rapid growth of this movement is Shirdi Sai Baba’s composite vision of spiritual unity in diversity, construed by many devotees as a needed corrective to rigid sectarian ideologies.