814 resultados para Liberalism. Democracy. Bobbio.


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Este artigo sistematiza as razões que levaram a um descompasso entre o reconhecimento jurídico dos direitos sexuais e dos direitos reprodutivos, por meio da análise de três perspectivas: a da História, a da moral religiosa, especialmente a Católica Romana e, por fim, a do Direito. O artigo conclui apresentando os ganhos para a democracia e a cidadania pública de homossexuais (gays e lésbicas) e mulheres heterossexuais caso haja o reconhecimento jurídico dos direitos sexuais.

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No presente artigo se abordam as relações entre saúde mental e as tarefas atuais da democracia no Brasil e, nesse contexto, os desafios que os Hospitais de Custódia e Tratamento Psiquiátrico representam para o campo da saúde mental. Considera-se ue os Manicômios Judiciários, sua lógica, sua população constituem uma das últimas fronteiras relativamente resistentes a avanço do movimento antimanicomial. Com sua especificidade e ambiguidade, entre o crime e a loucura, eles produzeme reproduzem de maneira prática o mito da periculosidade. Nesse contexto, o artigo examina, especificamente, a questão da responsabilidade do louco infrator

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A promoção da saúde, entendida como estratégia de produção social de saúde, deve articular e permear políticas públicas que influenciem o futuro da qualidade de vida urbana. Esse grande desafio envolve arranjos intersetoriais na gestão pública, empoderamento da população, desenvolvimento de competências e habilidades, capacitação, acesso à informação, estímulo à cidadania ativa, entre outros, para que a população reconheça seus problemas e suas causas, a fim de que ela possa advogar por políticas públicas saudáveis. Para esse propósito, é necessário que o governo operacionalize uma forma de gestão pública que considere a melhoria nas condições de vida, de trabalho e de cultura, estabelecendo uma relação harmoniosa com o meio ambiente, com o corpo que envolva a participação social na cogestão e na democracia. Nesse contexto, a inserção de um programa de práticas corporais/atividade física direcionada à população deve estar fundamentada em uma concepção da Promoção da Saúde apoiada em processos educativos que vão além da transmissão de conhecimentos. Ela deve estar focada no enfrentamento das dificuldades, no fortalecimento da identidade e na incorporação de soluções criativas e saberes saudáveis. Este artigo tem o objetivo de refletir sobre políticas de promoção da saúde relacionadas às Práticas Corporais/Atividade Física, além de apresentar um breve relato sobre o trabalho desenvolvido nessa área no município de São Paulo

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This paper uses a new panel of more than 2,000 Brazilian municipalities over 13 years to analyze the influence of public expenditures on the probability of mayors` reelection. We examine Brazilian municipal elections from 1988 to 2000 using a logit fixed-effects model. The results suggest that mayors who spend more during their terms of office increase the probability of their own reelection or of a successor of the same political party. In particular, higher capital spending over the years preceding elections and current expenditures in election years are beneficial to Brazilian incumbent mayors.

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The Independence of Brazil was proclaimed in September 1822 after two years during which constituent deputies elected on both sides of the Atlantic and gathered in Lisbon endeavoured to achieve unification with the former Portuguese metropoli. Due to the failure of these attempts a Constituent Assembly settled in independent Brazil in July 1823. Those two parlamentary experiences - the first to take place in the Portuguese dominions - were strongly influenced by the decisions adopted in Cadiz (1810-1814), and in Madrid (1820-1823), and by the independentist processes developed at the time in Spanish America. This work aims at observing that influence on the decisions adopted in Lisbon and Rio de Janeiro vis-a-vis the autonomical reivindications of several Brazilian provinces.

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Argued that a new cadre of 'intellectual journalists' (such as Paul Kelly), unlike scholars of Graham Maddox's standing, have usurped critical appraisals of the possibilities of politics. This new anti-democratic liberalism wrongly suggests that political achievements reached when Australia was less rich (such as compulsory industrial arbitration) now need to abandoned, subordinating national well-being to an international policy orthodoxy.

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Growing economic globalisation by extending the operation of markets is a two-edged sword as far as nature conservation is concerned. In some circumstances, it threatens the conservation of nature and in other cases, it provides economic incentives that foster the conservation of biodiversity. This article shows how global policy directions have altered in that regard. Initially the World Conservation Union (IUCN) favoured bans on trade in endangered species. This view was enshrined in the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES). Subsequently, with the upsurge of support for market-based economic liberalism, IUCN recognised that economic and market incentives, if linked to appropriate property rights, could foster biodiversity conservation. This is reflected in the International Convention on Biological Diversity. While there is conflict between this convention and CITES, its extent has been exaggerated. As explained, in certain cases, trade restrictions of the type adopted in CITES are appropriate for nature conservation whereas the market-oriented policy of the Convention on Biological Diversity can be effective in some different situations. Whether or not the extension of markets in wildlife and wildlife products and growing economic globalisation favours nature conservation varies according to the circumstances.

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In this paper, we assess the traits that older adultsassociate with younger, middle-aged, and older adults in fivePacific Rim nations from Western and Eastern cultural traditions(Australia, People's Republic of China (PRC), Hong Kong,Philippines, Thailand). We find cross-cultural trends whichreplicate patterns found in the US context. In most cultures,attractiveness, strength, activity, liberalism, health, andflexibility are seen to decline with increasing age. Kindnessassessments are positively associated with age across cultures. Mixed patterns are found with assessments of wisdom andgenerosity, with respondents from the PRC and Hong Kong beingnotably more negative about increasing age than otherrespondents. Implications for the aging process across culturesare discussed, and suggestions made for future research.

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This essay analyses some of the political, economic and social challenges of East Timer's transition to independence. It scrutinizes the ethical dimensions of building peace in a territory devastated by the combined effect of Indonesia's colonial occupation and the violent militia attacks of September 1999. The most difficult task ahead does not lie in the physical rebuilding of the territory-gargantuan as it may be-but in the more intricate and long-term rehabilitation of a traumatized society. The latter involves competing Timorese factions as well as a range of international actors, including the United Nations Transitional Authority, foreign governments, business institutions and various multilateral and bilateral donors. each having their own organizational leitmotifs and policy priorities. If not managed carefully, the reconstruction process could further exacerbate existing societal tensions and complicate the starch for peace and reconciliation. The essay identifies a number of crucial components necessary to counter such risks, including the need to promote popular participation in the rebuilding process. Without the legitimacy created by strong community involvement and grassroots participation in decision making, the task of national reconstruction may well become overwhelmed by conflict.

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The authors discuss the regulation of rural land use and compensation for property-rights restrictions, both of which appear to have become more commonplace in recent years but also more contested. The implications of contemporary theories in relation to this matter are examined, including: the applicability of new welfare economics; the relevance of the neoclassical theory of politics; and the implications of contemporary theories of social conflict resolution and communication. Examination of examples of Swiss and Australian regulation of the use of rural properties, and the ensuing conflicts, reveals that many decisions reflect a mixture of these elements. Rarely, if ever, are social decisions in this area made solely on the basis of welfare economics, for instance social cost-benefit analysis. Only some aspects of such decisions can be explained by the neoclassical theory of politics. Theories of social conflict resolution suggest why, and in what way, approaches of discourse and participation may resolve conflicts regarding regulation and compensation. These theories and their practical application seem to gain in importance as opposition to government decisions increases. The high degree of complexity of most conflicts concerning regulation and compensation cannot be tackled with narrow economic theories. Moreover, the Swiss and Australian examples show that approaches involving conflict resolution may favour environmental standards.

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Community has taken on a new significance in Australian social policy discourse. Seemingly sound and morally justifiable, in the context Of neo-liberalism the language of community positions non-profit delivery of services as superior to state-provided services. As a consequence, non-profit community services are being centrally positioned to mediate the relationship between the state and citizen subjects. In the first part of this paper we trace some of the key historical developments in Australia's welfare state and patterns of governance that are propelling the non-profit sector firm the margins to the centre. The second section examines the relationship between Australia's shifting political landscape and the emerging welfare regime. One key feature of this new regime is the attempt to relocate citizenship away from the domain of the state and into that of civil society. The article concludes by sketching out some research themes, focusing, for example, on the impact of devolution of governance in terms of client rights and public accountability.

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The theory and practice of humanitarian intervention in the 1990s has produced a series of seemingly intractable dilemmas. Why do states act in some cases and not others? How are we to evaluate the legitimacy of particular acts? This article introduces a new perspective on these questions informed by a combination of pragmatism and solidarism. It argues that although the search for criteria that may be used to judge the legitimacy and efficacy of humanitarian intervention may be a futile one, it is possible to think about a politics of legitimate humanitarian intervention. Such a politics may be based on three key insights drawn from pragmatism: the dialogic construction of moral knowledge, the fallibility of knowledge, and the priority of democracy over philosophy. The article discusses how such a pragmatic solidarism may be used to interrogate the quest for legitimising criteria and to build a new politics of humanitarian intervention.