The Making of a Shiite Bourgeoisie in Lebanon Political Mobilisation, Economic Resources and Formation of a Social Group

The thesis analyses the making of the Shiite middle- and upper/entrepreneurial-class in Lebanon from the 1960s till the present day. The trajectory explores the historical, political and social (internal and external) factors that brought a sub-proletariat to mobilise and become an entrepreneurial bourgeoisie in the span of less than three generations. This work proposes the main theoretical hypothesis to unpack and reveal the trajectory of a very recent social class that through education, diaspora, political and social mobilisation evolved in a few years into a very peculiar bourgeoisie: whereas Christian-Maronite middle class practically produced political formations and benefited from them and from Maronite’s state supremacy (National Pact, 1943) reinforcing the community’s status quo, Shiites built their own bourgeoisie from within, and mobilised their “cadres” (Boltanski) not just to benefit from their renovated presence at the state level, but to oppose to it. The general Social Movement Theory (SMT), as well as a vast amount of the literature on (middle) class formation are therefore largely contradicted, opening up new territories for discussion on how to build a bourgeoisie without the state’s support (Social Mobilisation Theory, Resource Mobilisation Theory) and if, eventually, the middle class always produces democratic movements (the emergence of a social group out of backwardness and isolation into near dominance of a political order). The middle/upper class described here is at once an economic class related to the control of multiple forms of capital, and produced by local, national, and transnational networks related to flows of services, money, and education, and a culturally constructed social location and identity structured by economic as well as other forms of capital in relation to other groups in Lebanon.

Western Hindus and 'Global Hinduism' - Discourses on Conversion to 'Hindu-Religions', Acceptance of Converts and Social Engagement

The paper deals with the problem of (the often supposedly impossible) conversion to “Hinduism”. I start with an outline of what I call the ‘no conversion possible’ paradigm, and briefl y point to the lack of refl ection on acceptance of converts in most theories of religious conversion. Then, two examples are presented: Firstly, I consider conversion to ISKCON and the discourse on the Hare Krishna movement’s Hinduness. Secondly, I give a brief outline of the globalsanatana dharmamovement as inaugurated by Satguru Siva Subramuniyaswami, a converted American Hindu based in Hawai’i. In the conclusion, I refl ect on (civic) social capital and engagement in global networks as a means to gain acceptance as converts to Hinduism. I argue in line with Stepick, Rey and Mahler (2009) that the religious movements’ civic engagement (in these cases engagement in favour of the Indian diasporic communities and of Hindus in India) provides a means for the individual, non-Indian converts to acquire the social capital that is necessary for gaining acceptance as ‘Hindus’ in certain contexts.

Lessons Learned from 'Hall of Socialism': Juxtaposing Finnish-American Radicalism with Today's Protest Movements

Historical accounts of revolutionary movements oftentimes occlude the pleasures of countering hegemony or criticize the “frivolity” of what is perceived to be non-political activities. However, turn of the century Finnish-American socialist theater clubs and early twentieth century Finnish-American communist halls and their uncounted social groups and activities prove to be a rich resource in reconsidering the importance of acknowledging and understanding the role that pleasure has played and should play in political protest. Finnish-American radical activities, especially those condemned already at the time as hall socialism, are important historical precedents to today’s alter-globalization student festivals and protest concerts, midnight raves

Assessing dynamics of forced livestock movements, livelihoods and future development options for pastoralists/agro-pastoralists in Ruvuma and Lindi Regions, in the Southern Tanzania

The study that aimed at understanding the dynamics of forced livestock movements and pastoral livelihood and development options was conducted in Lindi and Ruvuma regions, using both formal and informal approaches. Data were collected from 60 randomly selected Agro-pastoralists/Pastoralists and native farmers using a structured questionnaire. Four villages were involved; two in Lindi region (Matandu and Mkwajuni) and the other two in Ruvuma region (Gumbiro and Muhuwesi). Data were analyzed using descriptive statistics of SPSS to generate means and frequencies. The results indicate that a large number of animals moved into the study area following the eviction order of the government in Ihefu wetlands in 2006/2007. Lindi region was earmarked by the government to receive all the evicted pastoralists. However, by 2008 only 30% of the total cattle that were expected to move into the region had been received. Deaths of many animals on transit, selling of the animals to pay for transportation and other costs while on transit and many pastoralists settling in Coastal and Ruvuma regions before reaching their destinations were reported to be the reasons for the discrepancy observed. To mitigate anticipated conflicts between farmers and pastoralists, Participatory Land Use Management (PLUM) plans were developed in all the study villages in order to demarcate village land area into different uses, including grazing, cropping, settlement and forests. Land units for grazing were supposed to be provided with all necessary livestock infrastructures (dips, charcoal dams, livestock markets and stock routes). However, the land use plans were not able to prevent the anticipated conflicts because most of the livestock infrastructures were lacking, the land use boundaries were not clearly demarcated and there was limited enforcement of village by-laws, since most had not been enacted by the respective district councils. Similarly, the areas allocated for grazing were inadequate for the number of livestock available and thus the carrying capacity exceeded. Thus, land resource-based conflicts between farmers and pastoralists were emerging in the study areas for the reason that most of the important components in the PLUM plans were not in place. Nevertheless, the arrival of pastoralists in the study areas had positive effects on food security and growth of social interactions between pastoralists and farmers including marriages between them. Environmental degradations due to the arrival of livestock were also not evident. Thus, there is a need for the government to purposely set aside enough grazing land with all necessary infrastructures in place for the agro-pastoral/pastoral communities in the country.

Vulnerability to Heatwaves, Floods and Mass Movements in Mountainous Terrain: Test Cases in South Tyrol

South Tyrol is a region that has been often affected by various mountain hazards such as floods, flash floods, debris flows, rock falls, and snow avalanches. Furthermore, areas located in lower altitudes are often influenced by high temperatures and heat waves. Climate change is expected to influence the frequency, magnitude, and spatial extent of these natural phenomena. For this reason, local authorities and other stakeholders are in need of tools that can enable them to reduce the risk posed by these processes. In the present study, a variety of methods are applied at local level in different places in South Tyrol that aim at: (1) the assessment of future losses caused by the occurrence of debris flows by using a vulnerability curve, (2) the assessment of social vulnerability based on the risk awareness of the exposed people to floods, and (3) the assessment of spatial exposure and social vulnerability of the exposed population to heat waves. The results show that, in South Tyrol, the risk to a number of hazards can be reduced by: (1) improving documentation for past events in order to improve existing vulnerability curves and the assessment of future losses, (2) raising citizens' awareness and responsibility to improve coping capacity to floods, and (3) extending heat wave early warning systems to more low-lying areas of South Tyrol.

Nonverbal synchrony in social interactions of patients with schizophrenia indicates socio-communicative deficits

Background Disordered interpersonal communication can be a serious problem in schizophrenia. Recent advances in computer-based measures allow reliable and objective quantification of nonverbal behavior. Research using these novel measures has shown that objective amounts of body and head movement in patients with schizophrenia during social interactions are closely related to the symptom profiles of these patients. In addition to and above mere amounts of movement, the degree of synchrony, or imitation, between patients and normal interactants may be indicative of core deficits underlying various problems in domains related to interpersonal communication, such as symptoms, social competence, and social functioning. Methods Nonverbal synchrony was assessed objectively using Motion Energy Analysis (MEA) in 378 brief, videotaped role-play scenes involving 27 stabilized outpatients diagnosed with paranoid-type schizophrenia. Results Low nonverbal synchrony was indicative of symptoms, low social competence, impaired social functioning, and low self-evaluation of competence. These relationships remained largely significant when correcting for the amounts of patients‘ movement. When patients showed reduced imitation of their interactants’ movements, negative symptoms were likely to be prominent. Conversely, positive symptoms were more prominent in patients when their interaction partners’ imitation of their movements was reduced. Conclusions Nonverbal synchrony can be an objective and sensitive indicator of the severity of patients’ problems. Furthermore, quantitative analysis of nonverbal synchrony may provide novel insights into specific relationships between symptoms, cognition, and core communicative problems in schizophrenia.

O PODER DE ZEFERINA NO QUILOMBO DO URUBU UMA RECONSTRUÇÃO HISTÓRICA POLÍTICO-SOCIAL

Os ideais de liberdade exigiram do povo negro diferenciadas práticas para romper com o sistema escravista. Eram as rebeliões em navios, os atos de infanticídio, os justiçamentos dos feitores, as revoltas, além de participações em movimentos libertários e formações de quilombos. Dentre estas formas de organização, o quilombo foi fenômeno essencial nos mais de 300 anos de escravismo no Brasil. Em cada região existiam quilombos, pois para a população negra, cativa ou não, esse era o melhor meio de alcançar a liberdade, um meio coletivo para enfrentar o sistema. O Quilombo do Urubu representou a insistência em garantir a condição humana que o regime escravista negava, sobretudo às mulheres, aos homens e às crianças negras. Essa era uma força que saía de suas entranhas como grito de liberdade, configurada nas fugas em busca de um lugar que lhes assegurasse aproximação de uma vida digna e que pudessem orgulhar-sedo seu porte físico e da sua cultura. Todo esse desprendimento, além de uma força física, exigia um completo conhecimento histórico e espiritual, resguardado pela religiosidade que fortalecia seus espíritos para lutar contra toda negação de humanidade do século XIX no subúrbio da capital baiana. A líder Zeferina, inconformada com a exclusão social de seu povo negro, e entusiasmada pelo poder de herança de ancestralidade, pelo conhecimento de raiz da cultura matrilinear angolana, pelo profundo conhecimento histórico de resistência da rainha Nzinga Mbandi e pela tradição de quilombolas e guerreiras, viveu e lutou pelo sonho de liberdade. Hoje, a chama desse poder é mantida acesa na caminhada de celebração do 20 de novembro pela comunidade de Pirajá e arredores, enquanto referencial de resistência negra na luta contra as exclusões sociais vigentes.(AU)

Effect of cellular filamentation on adventurous and social gliding motility of Myxococcus xanthus

Filamentous bacterial cells often provide biological information that is not readily evident in normal-size cells. In this study, the effect of cellular filamentation on gliding motility of Myxococcus xanthus, a Gram-negative social bacterium, was investigated. Elongation of the cell body had different effects on adventurous and social motility of M. xanthus. The rate of A-motility was insensitive to cell-body elongation whereas the rate of S-motility was reduced dramatically as the cell body got longer, indicating that these two motility systems work in different ways. The study also showed that filamentous wild-type cells glide smoothly with relatively straight, long cell bodies. However, filamentous cells of certain social motility mutants showed zigzag, tangled cell bodies on a solid surface, apparently a result of a lack of coordination between different fragments within the filaments. Further genetic and biochemical analyses indicated that the uncoordinated movements of these mutant filaments were correlated with the absence of cell surface fibril materials, indicating a possible new function for fibrils.

Una mirada antropológica sobre el conflicto, la desigualdad y los procesos de reinserción social en Colombia

For more than half of a century, Colombia has been living in a state of violence, a nationwide political violence. As the time goes by, this situation gets even worse. Now the violence is implanted for different interests, such as personal, political, social and economical interests. For this reason, the information for this thesis was gathered from the time of the independence, through the era of violence until today; considering a reflection that begins with the perspective of Marx, passing by a theoretical compilation of the conflict, with an anthropological, psychological, biological and sociological perspective. In addition, different theories about violence have been studied to recognize the ideological approach of the different armed movements that have emerged in Colombia. Statistical, economical and social data including class struggle, social stratification, exclusion and gender perspective among others, have been considered from an anthropological and interdisciplinary approach for studying the violence. A strong interest in the social reintegration process, through an ethnographic study, based on the actors backgrounds, their lives, experiences and their geographical location have provided information that will allow to know the reality of those who are living in the process, those who survive it and those who go on with their lives in society, and those who after doing it return to the armed groups. Population displaced by violence, refugees, has contributed to this study about their possibilities to return to the society or to be excluded by it. With this purpose, a theoretical and a documentary analysis as well as fieldwork have been done, trying to bring forward tools and guidelines to make some progress in developing effective solutions for social integration of Colombian armed conflict victims.

How Social is European Integration? Bruges European Economic Policy (BEEP) Briefing 18/2007

The social dimension of the internal market or of the EU more generally has recently been under quite fundamental attack. Calls for 'Europe' to be 'more social' have been heard repeatedly. Witness the polarized debates about the services directive, the anxieties concerning several ECJ cases about what limitations of the free movement of workers (posted or not) are justified or the assertion of a 'neo-liberal agenda' in Brussels disregarding or eroding the social dimension. This BEEP Briefing paper takes an analytical approach to these issues and to the possible 'framing' involved. Such an analysis reveals a very different picture than the negative framing in such debates has it: there is nothing particular 'a-social' about the internal market or the EU at large. This overall conclusion is reached following five steps. First, several 'preliminaries' of the social dimension have to be kept in mind (including the two-tier regulatory & expenditure structure of what is too loosely called 'social Europe' ) and this is only too rarely done or at best in partial, hence misleading, ways. Second, the social acquis at EU and Member States' levels is spelled out, broken down into four aspects (social spending; labour market regulation; industrial relations; free movements & establishment). Assessing the EU acquis in the light of the two levels of powers shows clearly that it is the combination of the two levels which matters. Member States and e.g. labour unions do not want the EU level to become deeply involved ( with some exceptions) and the actual impact of free movement and establishment is throttled by far-reaching host-country control and the requirement of a 'high level of social protection' in the treaty. Third, six anxieties about the social dimension of the internal market are discussed and few arguments are found which are attributable to the EU or its weakening social dimension. Fourth, another six anxieties are discussed emerging from the socio-economic context of the social dimension of the EU at large. The analysis demonstrates that, even if these anxieties ought to be taken serious, the EU is hardly or not the culprit. Fifth, all this is complemented by a number of other facts or arguments strengthening the case that the EU social dimension is fine.

Social Democracy, Globalization and Governance: Why is there no European Left Program in the EU? CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, No. 00.6, April 2000

This paper addresses globalization and governance in the EU by attempting to generate some plausible hypotheses that might explain the policy choices of the 12 out of 15 European democratic left governments. With all of the discussion in recent years of a democratic deficit, and then need to maintain a "social Europe," why have these governments not produced more explicit left-wing policies? It suggests three possible hypotheses to account for this apparently mysterious outcome. Hypothesis #1: They want to but they can't. Hypothesis #2: They don't want to because they aren't really left anymore. Hypothesis #3: They could, but they all are suffering from a fundamental failure of imagination. The paper explores each of these hypotheses in two ways. First it examines the initial years of the Schröder government in Germany apparently, pursuing each of these three hypotheses and different times during this period. Then it looks more systematically and comparatively and each of the three hypotheses by including analysis both of Germany and several other EU member states. The larger goal of this work is to provoke discussion and research on what role left political movements can actually play. Is it even reasonable to expect such a group of nation states to develop innovative forms of cross-national governance? Or are new and/or revised forms of representation and governance beyond traditional nation-state models.