La negociación colectiva antes del peronismo : El caso bonaerense (1935-1943)

Desde inicios de la década de 1970, se señaló la importancia de las experiencias sindicales previas a 1943 para comprender al peronismo. Retomando trabajos vinculados al estudio del movimiento obrero de entreguerras, este artículo aborda las características de la negociación colectiva en la provincia de Buenos Aires entre 1935 y 1943. El objetivo es analizar los espacios y los gremios afectados por esa experiencia, cuya relevancia no se circunscribió al gobierno de Manuel Fresco (1936-1940). Aún no se ha contemplado toda su importancia, considerando las posibles continuidades con los convenios colectivos desarrollados por el futuro gobierno peronista a nivel nacional

Wavering into Capitalism: The Politics of Sustenance in North Korea

In the 1990s, a catastrophic famine engrossed North Korea. The famine not only claimed thousands of innocent lives but also the social, economic and political principles which had governed the nation since its founding. This paper contends that the famine engendered the rise of a rights-consciousness among North Korean working class citizens. In particular, the famine compelled the rise of bottom-up markets among common North Koreans, as the state failed to uphold its end of caloric compact, which then radically shifted the moral frameworks of the people. The nature in which these frameworks shifted is the focus of my paper. Chronicling the market protests which transpired during the late 2000s, this paper unveils the emergence of a novel constellation of power between the private citizen and the state in consequence of the markets engendering a rights-consciousness.

Religion and Religious Places: Rethinking Hybridity

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

Rethinking the labour movement in the "new South Africa"

The socio-economic system underpinning apartheid in South Africa was based on the exploitation of black workers in the mines, the factories, the fields and the shops. It is widely recognized that the struggles of the South African black working class contributed decisively to the overthrow of the racist regime. In recognition of the power of organised labour, the democratic government elected in 1994 granted South Africa's unions unprecedented legal and constitutional rights. However, despite these gains, the country's labour movement has been facing a fresh set of challenges, from macroeconomic policy to the factory floor, many of them emanating from labour’s political allies in Government. The purpose of this book is to examine how the South African labour movement is responding to these challenges in the new millennium. A variety of experts on South African labour, both within the country and outside deal with crucial issues: How has South Africa's labour movement reacted to the ANC Government's neoliberal economic agenda? How do the unions relate to an increasingly diversifying, “flexible” and vulnerable workforce? What are labour’s prospects of contributing to a left project in democratic South Africa? What are the challenges facing the unions in relation to new forms of militancy and social movements?

Mapping civil society in former Yugoslavia

From the break up of the New Left into single issue groups at the end of the 1960s came a variety of groups representing the peace movement, environmental movement, student movement, women’s movement, and gay liberation movement. This explosion of new social movement activism has been heralded as the age of new radical politics. Many theorists and activists understand new social movements, as replacing the working class as an agent for progressive social change. Scholars and activists now alike debate the possibilities for revolutionary change in this era of multinational capitalism and new nationalisms. This paper examines some of the above claims in the context of the contemporary Serbian civil society. It explores the relationship between the civil society, activism, and narratives in Serbia. In particular, it examines the anti-Milosevic’ movement Otpor! (Resistance), and its discourse, practice and politics in public spaces, through an analysis of narratives of a set of roughly 20 interviews with Otpor! activists, aged 18-35. In the following discussion, then, I will focus on some of the particular dilemmas of contemporary Serbian popular movements - they are dilemmas to do with the growing complexity of media life in the Serbian spaces. I ground my debate on particular uses of the notion of civil society in the narratives of Otpor! activists, while I focus on the question of how do Otpor! activists relate to Leftist/radical politics and the idea of civil society.

O ESPECTRO DO VERMELHO : UMA LEITURA TEOLÓGICA DO SOCIALISMO NO PARTIDO DOS TRABALHADORES A PARTIR DE PAUL TILLICH E DE ENRIQUE DUSSEL.

Com a fundação do Partido dos Trabalhadores, para os militantes da nova esquerda brasileira, o sonho de um futuro socialista para o país começava a se tornar realidade. Mas ao olhar com atenção para o fenômeno, foi ficando claro que o PT rompia os padrões conhecidos de um partido operário, não somente por ser um amálgama de tendências, mas também pela forte presença cristã. E daí veio a pergunta: que partido é esse? A partir das análises teológicas desenvolvidas por Paul Tillich, procuramos nesta tese construir um caminho novo para explicar o surgimento do Partido dos Trabalhadores e a importância do pensamento cristão social em sua formação e desenvolvimento. Utilizamos como referencial teórico dois autores, Paul Tillich e Enrique Dussel. Os textos socialistas e os conceitos da teologia da cultura de Tillich, assim como as abordagens sobre a religião infraestrutural e sobre o fator religioso no processo revolucionário latino-americano desenvolvidas por Enrique Dussel norteram nossa leitura metodológica. O projeto de pesquisa foi, assim, o socialismo no Partido dos Trabalhadores, a partir de uma abordagem teológica, por isso a tese mostra a importância da Teologia no debate interdisciplinar sobre o socialismo no Partido dos Trabalhadores. De todas as maneiras, a inclusão da Teologia na análise crítica da construção do pensamento socialista no Partido dos Trabalhadores, sem negar a importância dos diálogos interdisciplinares, amplia o horizonte de compreensão dos estudos sobre política, cristianismo e socialismo no Brasil, e mostra, também, a importância da abordagem comparativa representada pela presença da Teologia na discussão da política e do socialismo. A pesquisa bibliográfica primária e qualitativa partiu dos documentos oficiais de encontros e congressos do Partido dos Trabalhadores, assim como de artigos, editoriais e entrevistas publicadas pela imprensa do PT e pela imprensa não partidária.

ESPERANÇA E DECEPÇÃO: SINDICALISMO, PARTIDO DOS TRABALHADORES, E IGREJA CATÓLICA NO ABC PAULISTA (1978 2002)

A presente tese procura demonstrar como a Igreja Católica, a partir de Leão XIII, despertou para a questão social, particularmente a dos trabalhadores, fornecendo uma intelectualidade que influenciaria muitas gerações de católicos que aí encontrariam o substrato e o contraponto das concepções marxistas. Com o avanço das correntes progressistas dentro da Igreja, estes se reorientaram e tentaram fazer o cruzamento entre o marxismo e o cristianismo, que culminaria com a Teologia da Libertação. Este foi o momento do encontro também com o movimento sindical, por meio de seus militantes e das Comunidades Eclesiais de Base. Essa intersecção forneceu a base moral que norteou o movimento sindical no final dos anos 70, dando origem ao chamado novo sindicalismo . Os militantes acreditavam que a classe trabalhadora estava engajada e comprometida com as mudanças sociais, quando, na verdade, esta pensava em suas questões mais particulares. Com o tempo, a Igreja, por meio de sua hierarquia, fragmentou a rede de apoio ao movimento sindical e a utopia se desvaneceu.(AU)

ENSINO SUPERIOR E SOCIEDADE BRASILEIRA: ANÁLISE HISTÓRICA E SOCIOLÓGICA DOS DETERMINANTES DA EXPANSÃO DO ENSINO SUPERIOR NO BRASIL (DÉCADAS DE 1960/70)

O trabalho é resultado de uma pesquisa teórica, documental e histórica sobre a expansão do ensino superior brasileiro nas décadas de 1960 até meados de 1970. Especificamente, objetivou demonstrar como e de que forma se deu o processo de expansão do ensino superior e seus determinantes políticos, econômicos e sociais, além de analisar as causas sociais do aumento da pressão pelo acesso ao ensino superior. Para tanto, o trabalho está baseado na obra de diversos autores brasileiros sobre o ensino superior e sobre a formação social brasileira no período, além da análise de documentos e legislação específica sobre o ensino superior. Conclui que as transformações ocorridas na sociedade brasileira a partir de meados da década de 1950 levam as camadas médias, mais que qualquer outra classe, a elevar a pressão pelo acesso ao ensino superior. Tal pressão das camadas médias vai, no contexto político aberto pelo golpe militar de 1964, dar base social ao movimento estudantil, que figura como principal foco de contestação política da ditadura. A expansão do ensino superior, que se deu no processo da reforma universitária de 1968 e nos anos seguintes, levada à cabo pela ditadura militar, determinou modificações administrativas que já estavam presentes nas reivindicações dos estudantes, assim como já vinham sendo colocadas em prática em instituições como o ITA e a UNB, ao mesmo tempo que promoveu o ensino superior privado, baseado na multiplicação dos cursos e estabelecimentos isolados, com a intenção principal de conter o movimento estudantil e impedir a passagem das camadas médias ao campo da oposição, o que auxiliou na conquista da hegemonia possível na sociedade brasileira.(AU)

Outside in-group and out-group identities? Constructing male solidarity and female exclusion in UK builders’ talk

This article examines the spoken interactions of a group of British construction workers to discover whether it is possible to identify a distinctive ‘builders’ discourse’. Given that builders work for a mostly all-male profession (Curjao, 2006), we ask whether the ways in which male builders converse with each other while ‘on the job’ can be held in any way responsible for the under-representation of women within this major occupational sector in the UK. This article reports on a case study of the conversations of three white, working-class, male builders, which took place while travelling in a truck between different building sites. This forms part of a larger ethnographic study of builders’ discourse in different work locations. The analysis shows that male builders are highly collaborative in constructing narratives of in-group and out-group identities (Duszak, 2002; Tajfel, 1978). Various other male groups are demonized in these conversations: Polish immigrant builders, rude clients and rival builders. However, there is almost no reference to women. The article concludes that women are viewed as so unthreatening to male ascendancy in the building industry that they do not even feature within the ‘out-group’.

The PCF and the question of intellectual workers : the crisis of social ideology

The aim of this thesis is to examine the approach of the Parti Communiste Francais (from 1956 to 1982) to the emergence of new strata of salaried `intellectual workers' (technicians, engineers, low to middle managers in industry and commerce, scientific researchers, teachers etc) parallelled by the gradual diminution of the traditional industrial working class which forms the core of the Party's support base. This examination is carried out in the context of the debate in France (initiated in the 1950s by social theorists of the Left) on the class membership and role of these strata. The reason for the emergence of such a debate is that in a society given to both a rapid evolution of its social structure and an increased polarisation between Left and Right, a precise knowledge of the objective and subjective determinations of new strata would enable parties to the Left to make proper distinctions between potential allies and adversaries. The thesis posits the view that the PCF has failed to make correct distinctions between its potential allies and adversaries and has thus pursued unsuccessful alliance strategies. The thesis contributes towards a scientifically-based understanding of one of the reasons governing the PCF's steady decline since the 1950s.

Pupil resistance to their schooling experience

The thesis explores the nature of pupil resistance; it investigates what constitutes it and how it can be explained. Various ethnic and national group, male and female working-class resistance if analysed in two secondary schools in Birmingham (England) and one school in Sydney (Australia). It focuses on the pupils’ experience of school. ‘Compressed ethnographies’ (Walford and Miller, 1991) were conducted in each school to examine pupil resistance. The research found that structural societal state factors, regional, community and formal, informal and physical characteristics of each school, together with the teachers and pupils characteristics and background all influence resistance. The class, gender, ethnic and national identity of each pupil shapes resistance. In all three schools that were involved with the research, girls were more likely to exhibit overt, collective forms of resistance, whereas lads were more likely to operate alone. Islander pupils in Sydney and African-Caribbean kids in Birmingham were more likely to display engaged forms of resistance. Girls tended to show more engaged forms compared to their male counterparts across all ethnic and national cultures. Resistance is complex and dynamic, the definition alters depending upon context. Dimensions of resistance are developed; including overt, covert; individual, collective; intentional, unintentional; engaged and detached forms. Resistance operates within a structure and agency framework, the pupils can shape their own schooling experience mediated within the structures of their school, community and society. Some pupils manage their resources and the structures better than others; how the pupil manages and operates within the structures influences their resistance response. Resistance is contradictory and can reinforce the status quo. To fully understand resistance, it must be contextualised.

Big city days: Race and labor in early Miami, 1914--1925

The purpose of this study was to recast Miami's social history during the first three decades of the twentieth century through an examination of working class life. The thesis attempts to fill a gap in the literature while also expanding on the advances made in race and class studies of the United States. Through an analysis of local newspapers, minutes of a carpenter's union, and other archival sources, the thesis demonstrates how white workers obtained a virtual monopoly in skilled jobs over black workers, particularly in the construction industry, and exacted economic pressure on business through the threat of work stoppages. Driven by the concern to maintain smooth and steady growth amidst a vibrant tourist economy, business reluctantly worked with labor to maintain harmonious market conditions. Blacks, however, were able to gain certain privileges in the labor market through challenging the rigid system of segregation and notions of what constituted skilled labor. The findings demonstrate that Miami's labor unions shaped the city's social, cultural, and political landscape but the extent of their power was limited by booster discourse and the city's dependence on tourism. ^

Disease and hygiene in the construction of a nation: The public sphere, public space, and the private domain in Buenos Aires, 1871–1910

The maturation of the public sphere in Argentina during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was a critical element in the nation-building process and the overall development of the modern state. Within the context of this evolution, the discourse of disease generated intense debates that subsequently influenced policies that transformed the public spaces of Buenos Aires and facilitated state intervention within the private domains of the city’s inhabitants. Under the banner of hygiene and public health, municipal officials thus Europeanized the nation’s capital through the construction of parks and plazas and likewise utilized the press to garner support for the initiatives that would remedy the unsanitary conditions and practices of the city. Despite promises to the contrary, the improvements to the public spaces of Buenos Aires primarily benefited the porteño elite while the efforts to root out disease often targeted working-class neighborhoods. The model that reformed the public space of Buenos Aires, including its socially differentiated application of aesthetic order and public health policies, was ultimately employed throughout the Argentine Republic as the consolidated political elite rolled out its national program of material and social development.

Global Capitalism, Immigrant Labor, and the Struggle for Justice

Around the world borders are militarized, states are stepping up repressive anti-immigrant controls, and native publics are turning immigrants into scapegoats for the spiraling crisis of global capitalism. The massive displacement and primitive accumulation unleashed by free trade agreements and neo-liberal policies, as well as state and “private” violence has resulted in a virtually inexhaustible immigrant labor reserve for the global economy. State controls over immigration and immigrant labor have several functions for the system: 1) state repression and criminalization of undocumented immigration make immigrants vulnerable and deportable and therefore subject to conditions of super-exploitation, super-control and hyper-surveillance; 2) anti-immigrant repressive apparatuses are themselves ever more important sources of accumulation, ranging from private for-profit immigrant detention centers, to the militarization of borders, and the purchase by states of military hardware and systems of surveillance. Immigrant labor is extremely profitable for the transnational corporate economy; 3) the anti-immigrant policies associated with repressive state apparatuses help turn attention away from the crisis of global capitalism among more privileged sectors of the working class and convert immigrant workers into scapegoats for the crisis, thus deflecting attention from the root causes of the crisis and undermining working class unity. This article focuses on structural and historical underpinnings of the phenomenon of immigrant labor in the new global capitalist system and on how the rise of a globally integrated production and financial system, a transnational capitalist class, and transnational state apparatuses, have led to a reorganization of the world market in labor, including deeper reliance on a rapidly expanding reserve army of immigrant labor and a vicious new anti-immigrant politics. It looks at the United States as an illustration of the larger worldwide situation with regard to immigration and immigrant justice. Finally, it explores the rise of an immigrant justice movement around the world, observes the leading role that immigrant workers often play in worker’s struggles and that a mass immigrant rights movement is at the cutting edge of the struggle against transnational corporate exploitation. We call for replacing the whole concept of national citizenship with that of global citizenship as the only rallying cry that can assure justice and equality for all.

A céu aberto: garimpando a memória e a identidade dos mineradores de Brejuí

The Brejuí Mine, situated in the municipality of Currais Novos (RN), was responsible for the local economy growth between the years of 1943 and 1990, causing the interest of miner's working class to its urban center. After the end of scheelita extraction, the mine became a "theme park", in 2004. The company left its mark on the city by building several monuments in reference to the mining activity and the company's founder, Tomaz Salustino. However, there are no written records that describe such activities on its early years, nor their pioneers in the mining subject. Therefore, it is important to investigate the miner’s memories and ask if, along the more than five decades that lasted the heyday of mining, an identity linked to the profession was built; the extent to which workers make reference to this history as membersand what are the symbols that are being triggered in the development of a working class identity. Further, I investigate what memory was mad concerning the pioneers, mostly farmers attracted by miner work. To do so, I make use of audiovisual archival resources and oral records of the interlocutors that were filmed in the preparations of the documentary “Lembranças de velhos garimpeiros". We have noticed that, in the script of the official history of the Brejuí Mine, the "boss" figure overlaps the workers and that the forms patronage, originated from the rural world, followed punctuating the social relations in the mine. Today, with the resumption of the mining activity, it is possible that the strengthening of the working class and the Seridó miner identity desire reborn.