Infancia y violencia de género: cuantificación y percepciones

Cada vez más autores destacan la necesaria incorporación de la infancia en el estudio de la violencia de género y, en concreto, de la violencia contra la mujer por parte del compañero íntimo (VCI). Tal incorporación puede facilitar no sólo una menor invisibilidad y desprotección de niños y niñas, sino también una mejor comprensión de la propia violencia, sus características y dinámicas. Partiendo de estas consideraciones, en este artículo se presentan los resultados de un análisis secundario de los datos obtenidos en la última macroencuesta sobre violencia contra las mujeres en España. La información disponible permite analizar: 1) la presencia de menores expuestos a VCI; 2) la posible relación entre esta presencia y la formulación de denuncias; y 3) la percepción que tienen las mujeres víctimas de VCI en torno al rol parental de los agresores.

Recommendation of Elisha Parmele as a candidate for ministry, July 3, 1781

This document describes Parmele's examination before an association of ministers in Berkshire County and records their subsequent decision to recommend him as a candidate for "the gospel ministry." Stephen West was the moderator of this meeting, and Daniel Collens was its scribe.

" Lines upon the late proceedings of the College Government" collection, 1787-1917

This collection contains various manifestations of a humorous poem, most often called "Lines upon the late proceedings of the College Government," written by classmates John Quincy Adams and John Murray Forbes in 1787. Both Adams and Forbes were members of the class of 1787, and the poem recounts events surrounding the pranks and ensuing punishment of two members of the class behind them, Robert Wier and James Prescott. Wier and Prescott had been caught drinking wine and making "riotous noise," and they were publicly reprimanded by Harvard President Joseph Willard and several professors and tutors, including Eliphalet Pearson, Eleazar James, Jonathan Burr, Nathan Read, and Timothy Lindall Jennison. The poem mocks these authority figures, but it spares Samuel Williams, whom it suggests was the only professor to find their antics humorous.

Greece and the European Agenda: EU Enlargement and European Monetary Union. Program for the Study of Germany & Europe Working Paper 8.2

In the decade to come, the European Union will embark on two new projects, each destined to transform it in fundamental ways: (i) Eastern enlargement, and (ii) economic and monetary union. Neither of these projects will affect all members equally or in the same way. But Greece will, for two reasons, be affected in a manner qualitatively different to all other member states. First, Greece is the only country physically affected by the Luxembourg Summit's decision to begin accession negotiations with some, but not all, Central and Eastern European applicant countries: as a result of this decision, she will continue, for at least another eight to ten years, to be the only member country not to share a common border with another member state, with all the consequent implications in economic and geostrategic tenns. Second, when the European Council meets in early May to select those member states that are deemed to have met the convergence criteria, it will find that Greece is the only member state falling short of those criteria. This development may create additional difficulties for her economy during the transitional period of derogation. It will also pose new risks to Greece, insofar as she will be absent during the initial-and crucial-years of establishing a common monetary policy.

The adoption of IPSASs in the Iberian Peninsula: the perspective of the standar-setters

The last decades have been fruitful in reforms in public sector accounting across the world, namely moving from cash-based into accrual-based regimes. In this process of bringing public sector accounting close to business accounting, International Public Sector Accounting Standards (IPSASs) have been developed and adopted in several countries. In the EU context, public sector harmonization among member-States is currently being considered, namely via the development of European Public Sector Accounting Standards (EPSASs). Both IPSASs and EPSASs are understood as, among other things, important to contribute for a more informative and transparent financial reporting of public sector entities and governments. Moreover they are expected to approximate public sector accounting and the National Accounts, hence allowing for more reliable information to monitor fiscal discipline among EU countries. The Iberian countries, after using accrual accounting in the public sector for more than twenty years (Spain from middle 1980s and Portugal from 1990s), have acknowledged the need to embark in an international harmonization process adopting IPSASs, particularly after the adoption of IFRSs in the business sector, which was creating some difficulties for consolidated accounts. Spain has passed the Chart of Accounts for the Public Sector through the Order EHA/1037/2010, which is adapted to IPSASs; Portugal has just passed Law-decree 192/2015, September 11, and is expecting to start implementation in 2017. In both countries a central role in this reform has been assumed by the national standard-setters for public sector accounting. Based on the “Actor Network Theory” to help understanding how and why organizations interact and how this interaction could have an impact on their choice of accounting policies, this paper aims to analyse, from the Iberian public sector accounting standard-setters perspective, how the adoption/adaptation of IPSASs has been considered and developed in these countries. Research questions to be considered are the following, which will be asked in interviews to the members of the standard-setting committees in both Portugal and Spain: • What were the driving forces leading to the decision to adopt and implement IPSASs? • Which other governmental bodies’ experiences, if any, were considered in the adoption of IPSASs? • What specific steps were/are being undertaken to prepare for the conversion from the existing system to IPSASs? • What were/are the institutional challenges faced/expected to face? • What assistance have been received from IFAC and/or IPSASB, or from other sources, if any, throughout the adoption/implementation? • How can the success of the adoption/implementation be characterised? • What benefits can/have the government derive/derived from the adoption and implementation of IPSASs? The paper is expected to contribute to the understanding of the issues underlying the process of embarking in public sector accounting reforms towards IPSASs.

Should non-euro area countries join the single supervisory mechanism? Bruegel Policy Contribution 2013/06, 13 March 2013

Irrespective of the euro crisis, a European banking union makes sense, including for non-euro area countries, because of the extent of European Union financial integration. The Single Supervisory Mechanism (SSM) is the first element of the banking union. From the point of view of non-euro countries, the draft SSM regulation as amended by the EU Council includes strong safeguards relating to decision-making, accountability, attention to financial stability in small countries and the applicability of national macro-prudential measures. Non-euro countries will also have the right to leave the SSM and thereby exempt themselves from a supervisory decision. The SSM by itself cannot bring the full benefits of the banking union, but would foster financial integration, improve the supervision of cross-border banks, ensure greater consistency of supervisory practices, increase the quality of supervision,avoid competitive distortions and provide ample supervisory information. While the decision to join the SSM is made difficult by the uncertainty about other elements of the banking union, including the possible burden sharing, we conclude that non-euro EU members should stand ready to join the SSM and be prepared for the negotiations of the other elements of the banking union.

As deusas Inanna e Ištar: semânticas de poder com traços de amor e guerra

A presente dissertação de mestrado centra-se na divindade suméria Inanna e na sua homóloga semita Ištar. Recolhemos e analisamos conjuntos de mitos, narrativas, hinos, oráculos, canções e orações, de proveniências e cronologias distintas, para compor um retrato cuja complexidade ultrapassa as questões do género e apela a sentimentos transversais ao ser humano. Num panteão com uma miríade de divindades altamente especializadas, Inanna/Ištar destaca-se pelo facto de acumular funções. Deusa trifuncional, regente do Amor e da Guerra, era igualmente a representação divina do planeta Vénus. Numa primeira abordagem, essa singularidade é um factor desconcertante para a sua compreensão. Pelo seu carácter problemático, foi o principal incentivo para o nosso estudo. Examinando as suas diferentes manifestações, propomos um eixo comum para a sua aparente ambivalência, interpretando o amor e a guerra como metáforas com um mesmo significado: poder. Vemos assim como a guerreira e a noiva se complementam em vez de se contradizerem. Ao lado do rei, no leito sagrado ou no campo de batalha, exprimem sempre a bênção divina assegurando a legitimidade dos seus actos enquanto representante dos deuses na Terra e, por conseguinte, garante da ordem. A permanência no tempo do sistema de crenças originalmente fixado por mão suméria, resistindo a conquistas e mudanças dinásticas, e a sua difusão no espaço, transpondo fronteiras naturais e artificiais, demonstram que os povos do Crescente Fértil o partilharam, não obstante algumas alterações semânticas. Na perspectiva da história das religiões, este olhar projetado sobre o passado permite ainda entender melhor a mente do homem mesopotâmico e acompanhar as consequências das alterações culturais no tecido sociopolítico da época. Afloramos também alguns aspectos de continuidade, manifestados através da presença de influências mesopotâmicas na literatura e religião gregas, mais especificamente em Afrodite e Deméter, deusas do amor e da fertilidade, respectivamente. Por fim, sugerimos a permanência de categorias mentais que transportam o passado até aos dias de hoje, ligando a Antiguidade à Actualidade.

Fundamental Rights of workers in the Digital Age: A methodological approach from a case study. WP C.S.D.L.E. "Massimo D'Antona" .INT - 89/2011

The relationship between employer and worker is not only obligatory but above all, as Sinzheimer said, a ‘relationship of power’. In the Digital Age this statement is confirmed by the massive introduction of ICT in most of the companies that increase, in practice, employer’s supervisory powers. This is a worrying issue for two reasons: on one hand, ICT emerge as a new way to weaken the effectiveness of fundamental rights and the right to dignity of workers; and, on the other hand, Spanish legal system does not offer appropriate solutions to ensure that efficacy. Moreover, in a scenario characterized by a hybridization of legal systems models –in which traditional hard law methods are combined with soft law and self regulation instruments–, the role of our case law has become very important in this issue. Nevertheless, despite the increase of judicialization undergone, solutions offered by Courts are so different that do not give enough legal certainty. Facing this situation, I suggest a methodological approach –using Alchourron and Bulygin’s normative systems theory and Alexy’s fundamental rights theory– which can open new spaces of decision to legal operators in order to solve properly these problems. This proposal can allow setting a policy that guarantees fundamental rights of workers, deepening their human freedom in companies from the Esping-Andersen’s de-commodification perspective. With this purpose, I examine electronic communications in the company as a case study.

L'expérience d'être parent d'un enfant polyhandicapé hébergé

L'hébergement d'un enfant polyhandicapé, c'est-à-dire un enfant présentant une association de déficience motrice et intellectuelle sévère et profonde, est existant au Québec et peu connu de la population. Jusqu’à maintenant, les savoirs sur l’hébergement pédiatrique et l’expérience des parents sont peu nombreux et ne permettent pas de guider le développement d’interventions infirmières adaptées aux besoins des parents. Pour pallier cette situation, une étude d’inspiration phénoménologique a été effectuée afin d’explorer la signification de l’expérience d’être parent d’un enfant polyhandicapé hébergé en établissement de longue durée pédiatrique. Sept entretiens semi-structurés individuels ont été réalisés avec le parent d’un enfant polyhandicapé hébergé dans un établissement pédiatrique de la grande région montréalaise. Afin d’adopter une vision systémique et contextuelle au domaine des sciences infirmières, l’approche systémique familiale selon le modèle de Calgary (Wright & Leahey, 2013) a été utilisée comme cadre de référence. Cette étude d’inspiration phénoménologique a permis de faire émerger trois thèmes quant au phénomène à l’étude, soit : a) héberger son enfant : une décision difficile à accepter, b) la signification de l’hébergement : une expérience tant positive que négative et c) la réappropriation du rôle de parent. Cette étude novatrice permet de fournir des résultats inédits sur l’expérience d’être parent d’un enfant gravement handicapé hébergé. Ils permettent aussi de mettre en évidence les sentiments des parents, leurs impressions et l’adaptation de leur rôle parental lorsque leur enfant est hébergé. Ces résultats pourront influencer ou guider les infirmières dans l’application quotidienne d’interventions familiales adaptées et personnalisées au besoin des parents vivant une situation semblable.

Navigating the road from Warsaw towards a climate agreement in 2015. CEPS Commentary, 5 December 2013

The latest round of climate negotiations that took place in Warsaw (Conference of Parties, COP19) finally resulted in a decision to agree on a timeframe for the new agreement due in COP21 in Paris in 2015, and on ways to enhance the levels of ambition in pre-2020 mitigation pledges. Specifically, Warsaw produced two milestones: i) Parties were asked to communicate “intended nationally-determined contributions” by March 2015 and ii) the Ad-hoc Working Group on the Durban Platform for Enhanced Action was requested to identify before COP20 in Lima, the information that Parties will provide when putting forward their contributions. This Commentary by Noriko Fujiwara explores what the Warsaw decision means in practice and offers some preliminary ideas about what is still needed.

Will the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership be a game-changer? EU Centre Singapore Policy Brief No. 5, April 2013

In February 2013, US President Barrack Obama, European Council President Herman Van Rompuy and President of the European Commission José Manuel Barroso announced the decision to go for an ambitious and comprehensive trade and investment agreement between the US and the EU. To be called the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), this agreement would lead to a new stage in the transatlantic relationship and be a much needed boost to the lacklustre economic recovery so far. Some analysts have even argued that TTIP would be a “game changer” – besides the economic gains, it would serve a bigger strategic purpose of promoting EU-US common objective to set higher standards of trade liberalisation, and thereby level the playing field in China and other key emerging markets. This policy brief examines the reasons behind the current push towards TTIP and the possible contents of such an agreement. It also discusses the possible obstacles to the realisation of TTIP, and at the same time, looks into what a successful conclusion of TTIP would mean for Asia and beyond.

Euroscepticism vs. Political Pragmatism: The Finns Party tones down its criticism of the EU. EPIN Commentary No. 19, 26 June 2014

While many Eurosceptic parties in Europe achieved historical successes in this year’s EP elections, Finland’s populist Finns Party was unable to fulfil its own high expectations. With the eurozone crisis at least temporarily subsiding and Finland’s own economy struggling, the party has been unable to find a new electoral trump card. Facing a changed political climate and stiffer competition, the party is currently toning down its criticism of the EU, as indicated by its recent decision to join the British Tories in the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group.

Russian belligerence and Europe's energy security. EPC Commentary, 19 March 2014

Recent Russian actions have unequivocally underlined that it does not play by the rules. This provides a wake-up call and should alert not only the countries of the former Soviet Union, but the EU as a whole. For the EU, this has one clear implication: it cannot continue to depend on an unreliable energy supplier, which is prone to use energy as a political tool. Luckily for the EU, summer is approaching and Europeans will need less Russian gas for heating. However, potential gas supply disruptions remind Europe of its energy vulnerabilities, and of the 2006 and 2009 winters, when Russia’s decision to stop the flow of gas to Ukraine led to supply crises in a number of EU Member States. As the EU’s heads of states and governments gather in the European Council on 20 and 21 March, the developments in Ukraine and the possible Russian illegal annexation of Crimea will undoubtedly dominate the discussions. Securing energy supply will figure on the agenda, but energy should also be seen as a means to pressure Russia. It is important that the Member States use the occasion to commit to working together on energy security. If this is addressed in a holistic way, it can also support European industry and climate policy – the other issues on the Council agenda that run the risk of being forgotten.

The Border Management Programme in Central Asia: Explaining the European Union's Choice of Implementing Partners. Bruges Regional Integration & Global Governance Papers 3/2014

Between 2003 and 2014 the European Union’s (EU) Border Management Programme in Central Asia was implemented by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). However, the latter’s implementing responsibilities have just come to an end, with the next phase of the programme to be implemented by an EU member state consortium. This paper seeks to explain why the EU chose the UNDP to implement the programme in the first place; why the programme was redelegated to the UNDP over successive phases; and why, in the end, the EU has opted for a member state consortium to implement the next phase of the programme. The paper will draw on two alternative accounts of delegation: the principal-agent approach and normative institutionalism. Ultimately, it will be argued that both the EU’s decision(s) to delegate (and redelegate) implementing responsibilities to the UNDP, and its subsequent decision to drop the organisation in favour of an EU member state consortium, were driven for the most part by a rationalist ‘logic of consequentiality’. At the same time, a potential secondary role of a normative institutionalist ‘logic of appropriateness’ – as a supplementary approach – will not be discounted.

First Anniversary of the Vilnius Summit: Or, how Tolstoy might have portrayed the legacies of Yanukovich and Putin. CEPS Essay No. 18/25 November 2014

Taking inspiration from both Tolstoy’s epic novel War and Peace and the Bible, Michael Emerson reflects in this CEPS Essay on the tumultuous year that has passed since President Yanukovich reneged on signing Ukraine’s Association Agreement with the EU, and on President Putin’s decision to intervene in Ukraine, tearing up all norms of international relations and public morality and inducing the sanctions that now inflict grave economic damage on Russia itself.