Spatial planning to the test of property rights in Switzerland : an innovative land management approach to coordinate spatial planning goals with property rights interests

In Switzerland, the land management regime is characterized by a liberal attitude towards the institution of property rights, which is guaranteed by the Constitution. Under the present Swiss constitutional arrangement, authorities (municipalities) are required to take into account landowners' interests when implementing their spatial planning policy. In other words, the institution of property rights cannot be restricted easily in order to implement zoning plans and planning projects. This situation causes many problems. One of them is the gap between the way land is really used by the landowners and the way land should be used based on zoning plans. In fact, zoning plans only describe how landowners should use their property. There is no sufficient provision for handling cases where the use is not in accordance with zoning plans. In particular, landowners may not be expropriated for a non-conforming use of the land. This situation often leads to the opening of new building areas in greenfields and urban sprawl, which is in contradiction with the goals set into the Federal Law on Spatial Planning. In order to identify legal strategies of intervention to solve the problem, our paper is structured into three main parts. Firstly, we make a short description of the Swiss land management regime. Then, we focus on an innovative land management approach designed to implement zoning plans in accordance with property rights. Finally, we present a case study that shows the usefulness of the presented land management approach in practice. We develop three main results. Firstly, the land management approach brings a mechanism to involve landowners in planning projects. Coordination principle between spatial planning goals and landowners' interests is the cornerstone of all the process. Secondly, the land use is improved both in terms of space and time. Finally, the institution of property rights is not challenged, since there is no expropriation and the market stays free.

Pitkä tie perustuslakiuudistukseen

Abstract: The long road to the constitutional reform

Political Emotions: Civil Religion and Melodrama in Spielberg's Lincoln

This essay focuses on how Spielberg's film engages with and contributes to the myth of Lincoln as a super-natural figure, a saint more than a hero or great statesman, while anchoring his moral authority in the sentimental rhetoric of the domestic sphere. It is this use of the melodramatic mode, linking the familial space with the national through the trope of the victim-hero, which is the essay's main concern. With Tony Kushner, author of Angels in America, as scriptwriter, it is perhaps not surprising that melodrama is the operative mode in the film. One of the issues that emerge from this analysis is how the film updates melodrama for a contemporary audience in order to minimize what could be perceived as manipulative sentimental devices, observing for most of the film an aesthetic of relative sobriety and realism. In the last hour, and especially the final minutes of the film, melodramatic conventions are deployed in full force and infused with hagiographic iconography to produce a series of emotionally charged moments that create a perfect union of American Civil Religion and classical melodrama. The cornerstone of both cultural paradigms, as deployed in this film, is death: Lincoln's at the hands of an assassin, and the Civil War soldiers', poignantly depicted at key moments of the film. Finally, the essay shows how film melodrama as a genre weaves together the private and the public, the domestic with the national, the familial with the military, and links pathos to politics in a carefully choreographed narrative of sentimentalized mythopoesis.

Le gender mainstreaming et la loi sur la violence domestique contre les femmes au Mozambique: les raisons de la controverse

Dans le domaine du genre, le Mozambique est présenté comme un bon exemple en Afrique. Le pays est signataire de nombreuses conventions et est associé aux grandes déclarations internationales dédiées à l'égalité des droits entre hommes et femmes. Soutenue par les organisations nationales et internationales, la loi très controversée sur « la violence domestique contre les femmes », adoptée en juillet 2009, est une action prioritaire pour mettre en oeuvre le gender mainstreaming même si le pays est caractérisé par une forte diversité ethnique et deux traditions de genre fort différentes.

Building a Social Accounting Matrix within the ESA95 Framework: Obtaining a Dataset for Applied General Equilibrium Modelling

This research provides a description of the process followed in order to assemble a "Social Accounting Matrix" for Spain corresponding to the year 2000 (SAMSP00). As argued in the paper, this process attempts to reconcile ESA95 conventions with requirements of applied general equilibrium modelling. Particularly, problems related to the level of aggregation of net taxation data, and to the valuation system used for expressing the monetary value of input-output transactions have deserved special attention. Since the adoption of ESA95 conventions, input-output transactions have been preferably valued at basic prices, which impose additional difficulties on modellers interested in computing applied general equilibrium models. This paper addresses these difficulties by developing a procedure that allows SAM-builders to change the valuation system of input-output transactions conveniently. In addition, this procedure produces new data related to net taxation information.

Pieces of Iowa’s Past, March 21, 2012

Pieces of Iowa’s Past, published by the Iowa State Capitol Tour Guides weekly during the legislative session, features historical facts about Iowa, the Capitol, and the early workings of state government. All historical publications are reproduced here with the actual spelling, punctuation, and grammar retained. March 21, 2012 THIS WEEK: Quick Work at Carlisle(From the Indianola Tribune, December 20, 1877) BACKGROUND: Lewis Todhunter was born in Fayette County, Ohio, April 6, 1817. He was admitted to the bar in Highland County, Ohio, in 1848. Todhunter came to Iowa in 1850, settling along the Des Moines River in Polk County, where he was engaged in farming and selling goods. In 1854, he moved to Indianola and began the practice of law, continuing in that profession for more than a quarter of a century. He served as prosecuting attorney, county auditor, treasurer, and mayor of the city. He was a member of the third constitutional convention, which met at Iowa City in 1857, representing Warren, Madison, Adair, and Cass counties in that body and had the honor of assisting in making the first laws of the state. Todhunter served in the army during the Civil War from 1863-1865 as assistant quartermaster with rank of Captain. He is perhaps widest known, however, as a temperance leader and earnest worker. He joined in the Washingtonian movement in 1840 and was active in temperance reformation for the rest of his life.

Une européanisation des politiques de conciliation de la vie familiale et professionnelle? : les cas de l'Italie et de la France

Les différents pays membres de l'UE connaissent des politiques dites de « conciliation de la vie professionnelle et familiale » qui correspondent à un ensemble de dispositifs hétéroclites, plus ou moins complexes, mais rarement cohérents. Alliant des objectifs tels que la hausse de la natalité, la protection des mères et des enfants, l'égalité entre femmes et hommes, la lutte contre la pauvreté des enfants et des familles monoparentales et l'activation des femmes, ces politiques sont fortement ancrées dans des traditions nationales de politiques familiales, d'emploi et fiscales. Ces politiques portent en elles l'héritage et les tensions de l'histoire d'un pays. Au moment où un nouvel acteur international, l'Union européenne, intervient de manière de plus en plus explicite dans le débat et dans la définition de ces politiques, la présente étude tend à analyser l'influence exercées par les référentiels européens en matière de politiques de conciliation sur les discours et politiques nationales de l'Italie et de la France. A partir d'une analyse cognitive du processus d'européanisation, nous montrons que les référentiels développés au sein de l'UE, par leur caractère abstrait et flou, n'ont eu jusqu'ici qu'une faible influence sur les discours et politiques en Italie et en France. Croisant une perspective néo-institutionnaliste historique et discursive, notre recherche a été construite autour de deux axes de réflexion. Premièrement, il a été question d'analyser, d'une part, l'évolution du discours tenu par les différentes instances européennes (notamment de la Commission européenne, le Conseil européen et le Fonds Social européen) et, d'autre part, questionner comment un consensus a pu émerger entre des pays et des acteurs qui ont des traditions extrêmement différentes en matière de politique sociale, de politique familiale et de convention de genre. Deuxièmement, il a été question d'analyser si et comment un cadre de référence conçu au niveau communautaire a pu influencer les discours et politiques au niveau national. - The reconciliation of work and family life policies forms, in the EU's member States, a plurality of politics, more or less complex, but rarely coherent. Combining different objectives such as fertility increase, mothers and children protection, equality between men and women, fight against children and lone-parent families poverty and women activation, these policies are part of the national traditions of family, employment and tax policy and bear the heritage and the tensions of the country history. At a moment when a new global player, the European Union, interferes increasingly explicitly in the debate and the definition of reconciling work and family life policies, the question at the heart of this thesis was to define what kind of influence the référentiels of European discourses have on reconciliation policies since the late 1990s, in the Italian and French discourses and policies. Starting from a cognitive analysis of the Europeanization process, we show that the référentiels developed within the EU, by their abstract and vague nature, have had little influence in Italy and France. Crossing an historical and a discursive neo-institutionalist perspective, our research was based on two axes of reasoning. First, we have analysed, on the one hand, the evolution of various European institutions' discoursed (including the European Commission, the European Council and the European Social Fund) and, on the other hand, we have questioned how a consensus has emerged between countries and actors who have very different traditions in social policy, family policy and gender conventions. Secondly, we have observed if and how a framework developed at Community level, as a kind of ideal to strive for, has influenced discourses and policies at the national level.

Citizen participation and the Lisbon Treaty : A legal perspective

How to "bring the [European] Union closer to its citizens" is a vexed and vital problem of European integration. Article 11 TEU on participatory democracy, recently introduced by the Lisbon Treaty, is meant to be part of the solution. The EU Economic and Social Committee has gone so far as to define this provision "a milestone on the road to a people's Europe that is real and feasible". This appears to be an overly optimistic assessment - partly because art. 11 relies heavily on the involvement of civil society organisations, which political science literature suggests is conceptually and/or practically irrelevant to citizen involvement; partly because it largely formalizes participatory practices that have been in existence for years without cognizable effects on citizen participation; and partly because even its most innovative element - the European citizens' initiative (ECI) - does not bring significant changes to the Union's constitutional arrangements in terms of redistributing decision-making power. In addition to that, secondary legislation places significant hurdles on the submission of ECIs and might prevent or delay their becoming a standard democratic practice. This is not to say that art. 11 TEU has no potential at all. Its insertion in the Treaty might provide impetus to rethink and develop past participatory practices, such as horizontal civil dialogue. Moreover, the effects of "popular input" in the form of ECIs on EU institutional dynamics is as yet unknown - and perhaps not negligible, to judge from the keen interest that the European Parliament and other bodies have demonstrated in "appropriating" it as a political asset. Finally, art. 11 raises the stakes of the Union's democratic challenge and might pressure EU institutions to make full use of its potential. Or, if eventually proved inadequate, art. 11 might constitute a constitutional experiment on the way to meaningful forms of direct democracy at EU level.

Constitution of Iowa, 1857.

A constitutional convention convened in Iowa City on January 19, 1857 ending on March 5, 1857. The convention drafted and approved the Constitution of Iowa. This constitution is the still in use today by the State of Iowa. It has been amended many times from 1868 thru 2010. NOTE: A .tiff file version of this document is available. The file is very large. Contact the State Library of Iowa to inquire about receiving this version.

Constitution of Iowa, 1857. (Enhanced version)

A constitutional convention convened in Iowa City on January 19, 1857 ending on March 5, 1857. The convention drafted and approved the Constitution of Iowa. This constitution is the still in use today by the State of Iowa. It has been amended many times from 1868 thru 2010. NOTE: This version of the Constitution of Iowa has been enhanced to darken the handwritten text and the covers and blank pages have been omitted. Only the handwritten text is included.

Libertad de cátedra del profesor universitario. Contenido y amenazas en el contexto actual de reforma del modelo de universidad pública

[spa] Asistimos, desde hace algunos años, a un proceso de profundos cambios en la Universidad. Reformas que no sólo están afectando, entre otros, a su financiación, a su gobierno y gestión o a la estructura de las enseñanzas que en ella se imparten. También, y de forma muy especial e intensa, se están proyectando en su profesorado modificando su proceso de selección y transformando su función docente. Precisamente, en relación con ésta última, el papel que está llamado a desempeñar el docente está garantizado por la Constitución que les reconoce el derecho fundamental a la libertad de cátedra. La proclamación al más alto nivel normativo de este derecho del profesor ha obligado a conjugarla con otros derechos, igualmente fundamentales, presentes en el sistema educativo, en especial, el de la educación, y con otras potestades que se encomiendan a poderes públicos y universidades derivadas de la concepción de la educación como un servicio público. No obstante, en la actualidad las amenazas que plantean las nuevas exigencias derivadas del EEES pueden suponer un paso más allá actuando en la misma esencia de contenido de la libertad de cátedra perdiendo su sentido originario y condicionando su ejercicio a límites no permitidos por el propio texto constitucional.

Ihmisarvon loukkaamattomuus perus- ja ihmisoikeussuojan lähtökohtana

English summary: Inviolability of human dignity as a basis for the protection on constitutional and human rights (s. 191.)