953 resultados para spanish acquisition


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Recently, in light of minimalist assumptions, some partial UG accessibility accounts to adult second language acquisition have made a distinction between the post-critical period ability to acquire new features based on their LF-interpretability (i.e. interpretable vs. uninterpretable features) (HAWKINS, 2005; HAWKINS; HATTORI, 2006; TSIMPLI; MASTROPAVLOU, 2007; TSIMPLI; DIMITRAKOPOULOU, 2007). The Interpretability Hypothesis (TSIMPLI; MASTROPAVLOU, 2007; TSIMPLI; DIMITRAKOPOULOU, 2007) claims that only uninterpretable features suffer a post-critical period failure and, therefore, cannot be acquired. Conversely, Full Access approaches claim that L2 learners have full access to UG’s entire inventory of features, and that L1/L2 differences obtain outside the narrow syntax. The phenomenon studied herein, adult acquisition of the Overt Pronoun Constraint (OPC) (MONTALBETTI, 1984) and inflected infinitives in nonnative Portuguese, challenges the Interpretability hypothesis insofar as it makes the wrong predictions for what is observed. The present data demonstrate that advanced learners of L2 Portuguese acquire the OPC and the syntax and semantics of inflected infinitives with native-like accuracy. Since inflected infinitives require the acquisition of new uninterpretable φ-features, the present data provide evidence in contra Tsimpli and colleagues’ Interpretability Hypothesis.

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Abstract According to Usage-based Theory (Tomasello 2006), children acquire wh- questions by initially producing concrete formula structures that happen to be very frequent in the input. In this research we analyze the wh-questions produced by three Spanish-speaking children (age range: 0;11-3;11) in longitudinal samples of spontaneous speech to determine whether the Usage-based Theory can explain the wh-question acquisition in Spanish. Results show that: i) the first wh-questions are formula, that appeared with few interrogative particles, and that are highly frequent in the input; ii) as the child develops, wh-questions become more complex, in which this structures are produced with more varied interrogative particles and different verbs; iii) the input seems to play a relevant role in the acquisition of wh-questions. Results seem to validate the Usage-based Theory.

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This article argues that two movements in constant interplay operate within the historical trajectory of the Spanish language: the localization that becomes globalized and the globalization that becomes localized. Equally, this article illustrates how, at the same time that Spanish is expanding in the world, new idiosyncratic and localized forms of the language are emerging. This article deals with the issues of standardization and language ideology, language contact, and redefinition of identities. The article focuses on three geographic loci: Spain, where Spanish opposes Catalan, Basque, and Galician; the United States, where migrants' Spanish dialects converge and confront English and each other; and finally, Latin America, where Spanish is in contact with Portuguese, indigenous, and Afro-Hispanic languages. The concepts that structure the discussion explain both language expansion and contraction as well as the conflict and constant negotiation between a language's standardized forms and its regional and social varieties.

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In this article, along with others, we take the position that the Null-Subject Parameter (NSP) (Chomsky 1981; Rizzi 1982) cluster of properties is narrower in scope than some originally contended. We test for the resetting of the NSP by English L2 learners of Spanish at the intermediate level, including poverty-of-the stimulus knowledge of the Overt Pronoun Constraint (Montalbetti 1984). Our participants are tested before and after five months' residency in Spain in an effort to see if increased amounts of native exposure are particularly beneficial for parameter resetting. Although we demonstrate NSP resetting for some of the L2 learners, our data essentially demonstrate that even with the advent of time/exposure to native input, there is no immediate gainful effect for NSP resetting.

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Taking a generative perspective, we divide aspects of language into three broad categories: those that cannot be learned (are inherent in Universal Grammar), those that are derived from Universal Grammar, and those that must be learned from the input. Using this framework of language to clarify the “what” of learning, we take the acquisition of null (and overt) subjects in languages like Spanish as an example of how to apply the framework. We demonstrate what properties of a null-subject grammar cannot be learned explicitly, which properties can, but also argue that it is an open empirical question as to whether these latter properties are learned using explicit processes, showing how linguistic and psychological approaches may intersect to better understand acquisition.

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The present study examines three competing models of morphosyntactic transfer in third language (L3) acquisition, examining the particular domain of the feature configuration of embedded T in L3 Brazilian Portuguese (BP) at the initial stages and then through development. The methodology alternates Spanish and English as the L1 and L2 to tease apart the source of transfer to L3 BP. Results from a scalar grammaticality acceptability task show unequivocal transfer of Spanish irrespective of Spanish’s status as an L1 or L2. The data thus support the Typological Primacy Model (Rothman 2010, 2011, 2013a, 2013b), which proposes that multilingual transfer is selected by factors related to comparative structural similarity. Given that Spanish transfer at the L3 initial stages creates the need for feature reconfiguration to converge on the target BP grammar, the second part of this chapter examines the developmental consequences of what the TPM models in cases of non-facilitative initial transfer, that is, the developmental path of feature reconfiguration of embedded T in L3 BP by English/Spanish bilinguals. Given what these data reveal, we address the role of regressive transfer as a correlate of L3 proficiency gains.

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Studies show cross-linguistic differences in motion event encoding, such that English speakers preferentially encode manner of motion more than Spanish speakers, who preferentially encode path of motion. Focusing on native Spanish speaking children (aged 5;00-9;00) learning L2 English, we studied path and manner verb preferences during descriptions of motion stimuli, and tested the linguistic relativity hypothesis by investigating categorization preferences in a non-verbal similarity judgement task of motion clip triads. Results revealed L2 influence on L1 motion event encoding, such that bilinguals used more manner verbs and fewer path verbs in their L1, under the influence of English. We found no effects of linguistic structure on non-verbal similarity judgements, and demonstrate for the first time effects of L2 on L1 lexicalization in child L2 learners in the domain of motion events. This pattern of verbal behaviour supports theories of bilingual semantic representation that postulate a merged lexico-semantic system in early bilinguals.

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Diessel and Tomasello (2000, 2005) propose that relative clauses (RC) are acquired in a piecemeal-fashion in which children initially produce relatively simple RCs. According to their hypothesis, several factors are involved in the process of mastering these sentences: i) similarities between RCs and simpler constructions; ii) semantic and pragmatic factors; iii) children processing limitations; and iv) RC´s frequency of use in the input. We study the RCs produced by 44 Spanish speaking children, from 1;07 to 5;00 years old in order to validate Diessel and Tomasello´s hypothesis in the acquisition of Spanish RCs. Results show that i) the first RCs to appear have just one proposition; ii) first RCs do not interrupt the main clause, they are rather attached at the end of it; iii) the first RCs with two propositions are predominantly intransitives, with a relative pronoun in the subject syntactic role; iv) during first periods, factors such as semantic and syntactic processing, and memory seem to play a more determinant role than input and pragmatic factors. Input factor could be indeed involved in the acquisition of RC but in late periods, when children are older than 4;00 years old; and v) transitive RCs appear in late periods. Diessel and Tomasello´s hypothesis seem to explain our results.

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In recent years, researchers have acknowledged that the study of third language acquisition cannot simply be viewed as an extension of the study of bilingualism, and the present volume’s authors agree that a point of departure that embraces the unique properties that differentiate L2 acquisition from L3/Ln acquisition is essential. From linguistic, sociological, psychological, educational and cognitive viewpoints, it has become increasingly apparent that the study of L3/Ln acquisition can provide new evidence to help resolve ongoing debates in these areas of study. This volume uniquely provides a wide-ranging overview of current trends in the study of adult additive multilingualism from formal, psycholinguistic and sociolinguistic perspectives, adding new insights into adult multilingual epistemology. This collection includes critical reviews of L3/Ln morphosyntax, phonology, and the lexicon, as well as individual studies with unique language pairings including Romance, Germanic, Slavic, and Asian languages.