886 resultados para political communication


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Network topology and routing are two important factors in determining the communication costs of big data applications at large scale. As for a given Cluster, Cloud, or Grid system, the network topology is fixed and static or dynamic routing protocols are preinstalled to direct the network traffic. Users cannot change them once the system is deployed. Hence, it is hard for application developers to identify the optimal network topology and routing algorithm for their applications with distinct communication patterns. In this study, we design a CCG virtual system (CCGVS), which first uses container-based virtualization to allow users to create a farm of lightweight virtual machines on a single host. Then, it uses software-defined networking (SDN) technique to control the network traffic among these virtual machines. Users can change the network topology and control the network traffic programmingly, thereby enabling application developers to evaluate their applications on the same system with different network topologies and routing algorithms. The preliminary experimental results through both synthetic big data programs and NPB benchmarks have shown that CCGVS can represent application performance variations caused by network topology and routing algorithm.

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Interest in the area of collaborative Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) in a Multi-Agent System is growing to compliment the strengths and weaknesses of the human-machine relationship. To achieve effective management of multiple heterogeneous UAVs, the status model of the agents must be communicated to each other. This paper presents the effects on operator Cognitive Workload (CW), Situation Awareness (SA), trust and performance by increasing the autonomy capability transparency through text-based communication of the UAVs to the human agents. The results revealed a reduction in CW, increase in SA, increase in the Competence, Predictability and Reliability dimensions of trust, and the operator performance.

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The pervasive use of the World Wide Web by the general population has created a cultural shift in “our living world”. It has enabled more people to share more information about more events and issues in the world than was possible before its general use. As a consequence, it has transformed traditional news media’s approach to almost every aspect of journalism, with many organisations restructuring their philosophy and practice to include a variety of participatory spaces/forums where people are free to engage in deliberative dialogue about matters of public importance. Moreover, while news media were the traditional gatekeepers of information, today many organisations allow, to different degrees, the general public and other independent journalism entities to participate in the news production process, which may include agenda setting and content production. This paper draws from an international collective case study that showcases various approaches to networked online news journalism. It examines the ways in which different traditional news media models use digital tools and technologies for participatory communication of information about matters of public interest. The research finds differences between the ways in which public service, commercial and independent news media give voice to the public and ultimately their approach to journalism’s role as the Fourth Estate––one of the key institutions of democracy. The work is framed by the notion that journalism in democratic societies has a key role in ensuring citizens are informed and engaged with public affairs. An examination of four media models, the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), the Guardian, News Limited and OhmyNews, showcases the various approaches to networked online news journalism and how each provides different avenues for citizen empowerment. The cases are described and analysed in the context of their own social, political and economic setting. Semi-structured in-depth interviews with key senior journalists and editors provide specific information on comparisons between the distinctive practices of their own organisation. In particular these show how the ideal of democracy can be used as a tool of persuasion as much as a method of deliberation.

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In this paper, we propose a new load distribution strategy called `send-and-receive' for scheduling divisible loads, in a linear network of processors with communication delay. This strategy is designed to optimally utilize the network resources and thereby minimizes the processing time of entire processing load. A closed-form expression for optimal size of load fractions and processing time are derived when the processing load originates at processor located in boundary and interior of the network. A condition on processor and link speed is also derived to ensure that the processors are continuously engaged in load distributions. This paper also presents a parallel implementation of `digital watermarking problem' on a personal computer-based Pentium Linear Network (PLN) topology. Experiments are carried out to study the performance of the proposed strategy and results are compared with other strategies found in literature.

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In this paper, we present an improved load distribution strategy, for arbitrarily divisible processing loads, to minimize the processing time in a distributed linear network of communicating processors by an efficient utilization of their front-ends. Closed-form solutions are derived, with the processing load originating at the boundary and at the interior of the network, under some important conditions on the arrangement of processors and links in the network. Asymptotic analysis is carried out to explore the ultimate performance limits of such networks. Two important theorems are stated regarding the optimal load sequence and the optimal load origination point. Comparative study of this new strategy with an earlier strategy is also presented.

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For point to point multiple input multiple output systems, Dayal-Brehler-Varanasi have proved that training codes achieve the same diversity order as that of the underlying coherent space time block code (STBC) if a simple minimum mean squared error estimate of the channel formed using the training part is employed for coherent detection of the underlying STBC. In this letter, a similar strategy involving a combination of training, channel estimation and detection in conjunction with existing coherent distributed STBCs is proposed for noncoherent communication in Amplify-and-Forward (AF) relay networks. Simulation results show that the proposed simple strategy outperforms distributed differential space-time coding for AF relay networks. Finally, the proposed strategy is extended to asynchronous relay networks using orthogonal frequency division multiplexing.

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This paper is an extension of Talking Green in Red States: Stories from the Great Plains (Gibson et al., 2014) that examined the communication strategies of planners involved in sustainability planning initiatives in the U.S. Great Plains. We expand these narratives beyond the Great Plains to Queensland, Australia by interviewing planners about their experiences when communicating and deliberating about issues of sustainability. Using a semi-formal structure, interviews are conducted as casual “coffee talks” (Maynard-Moody & Musheno, 2003). Together, these collected stories help us to understand how planners are “talking green” in conservative political atmospheres, across vastly differing geographies using an international comparative framework described by Reimer et al. (2014). The paper presents comparisons between the collected narratives, concerning similarities and differences in regard to the nuances of sustainability planning dialog. We relate the lessons learned about communication strategies of planners working in sustainability in Kansas and Queensland to the broader discourse of planning and politics, communicative planning and planning as storytelling, as they relate to sustainability planning in challenging situations. From this paper, the audience will better understand how: 1) to discuss environmental and sustainable planning in communities that have varying levels of distrust and suspicion towards these concepts; 2) to develop strategies to work around these planning communication issues, and; 3) international context affects these communication challenges.

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Data generated via user activity on social media platforms is routinely used for research across a wide range of social sciences and humanities disciplines. The availability of data through the Twitter APIs in particular has afforded new modes of research, including in media and communication studies; however, there are practical and political issues with gaining access to such data, and with the consequences of how that access is controlled. In their paper ‘Easy Data, Hard Data’, Burgess and Bruns (2015) discuss both the practical and political aspects of Twitter data as they relate to academic research, describing how communication research has been enabled, shaped and constrained by Twitter’s “regimes of access” to data, the politics of data use, and emerging economies of data exchange. This conceptual model, including the ‘easy data, hard data’ formulation, can also be applied to Sina Weibo. In this paper, we build on this model to explore the practical and political challenges and opportunities associated with the ‘regimes of access’ to Weibo data, and their consequences for digital media and communication studies. We argue that in the Chinese context, the politics of data access can be even more complicated than in the case of Twitter, which makes scientific research relying on large social data from this platform more challenging in some ways, but potentially richer and more rewarding in others.

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In this digital age, as social media is emerging as a central site where information is shared and interpreted, it is essential to study information construction issues on social media sites in order to understand how social reality is constructed. While there is a number of studies taking an information-as-objective point of view, this proposed study emphasizes the constructed and interpretive nature of information and explores the processes through which information surrounding acute events comes into being on micro-blogs. In order to conduct this analysis systematically and theoretically, the concept of interpretive communities will be deployed. This research investigates if or not micro-blog based social groups can serve as interpretive communities, and, if so, what role might they play in the construction of information, and the social impacts that may arise. To understand how this process is entangled with the surrounding social, political, technical contexts, cases from both China (focusing on Sina Weibo) and Australia (focusing on Twitter) will be analysed.

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The aim of the present study was to draw inferences regarding the properties of single cells responsible for co-operative behaviour in the slug of the soil amoeba Dictyostelium discoideum. The slug is an integrated multicellular mass formed by the aggregation of starved cells. The amoebae comprising the slug differentiate according to their spatial locations relative to one another, implying that, as in the case of other regulative embryos, they must be in mutual communication. We have previously shown that one manifestation of this communication is the time taken for the anteriormost fragment of the slug, the tip, to regenerate from slugs which have been rendered tipless by amputation. We present results of tip-regeneration experiments performed on genetically mosaic slugs. By comparing the mosaics with their component pure genotypes, we were able to discriminate between a set of otherwise equally plausible modes of intercellular signalling. Neither a'pacemaker' model, in which the overall rate of tip regeneration is determined by the cell with the highest frequency of autonomous oscillation, nor an 'independent-particle' model, in which the rate of regeneration is the arithmetical average of independent cell-dependent rates, is in quantitative accord with our findings. Our results are best explained by a form of signalling which operates by means of cell-to-cell relay. Therefore intercellular communication Seems to be essential for tip regeneration.

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Effective communication is an important graduate capability for allied health students but there are few opportunities for students to engage with these skills in a dedicated manner at an undergraduate level. This paper reported on the use of active learning and relevance-building strategies to maintain student engagement in a multidisciplinary allied health communication skills course at an Australian university. Students (N = 736) completed an engagement survey during the first and final lecture. While most degree programs reported no difference in engagement across semester, nursing/paramedic students reported a significant decrease in student engagement. A perceived lack of disciplinary relevance may account for student disengagement in this group, illustrating the challenge of delivering an authentic learning experience whilst engaging students from diverse degree programs.

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Development journalism has been a key focus of discussion among journalism scholars for around half a decade, but most of the attention has been firmly on African and Asian countries. This paper examines the situation on the little-researched island nation of Fiji, which has experienced considerable political instability since independence in 1970. Based on interviews with 77 of the country’s small population of just over 100 journalists, we find that journalism in Fiji exhibits similarities to Western journalism ideals, but also a significant development journalism orientation. A comparison with six other countries from the global South shows that this mix is not unique, and we argue that Western journalism approaches and development ideals are not by necessity mutually exclusive, as has often been argued. In this way, the article aims to contribute to a reassessment of our understanding of development journalism and how journalists in developing societies view their work.

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As the use of Twitter has become more commonplace throughout many nations, its role in political discussion has also increased. This has been evident in contexts ranging from general political discussion through local, state, and national elections (such as in the 2010 Australian elections) to protests and other activist mobilisation (for example in the current uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, and Yemen, as well as in the controversy around Wikileaks). Research into the use of Twitter in such political contexts has also developed rapidly, aided by substantial advancements in quantitative and qualitative methodologies for capturing, processing, analysing, and visualising Twitter updates by large groups of users. Recent work has especially highlighted the role of the Twitter hashtag – a short keyword, prefixed with the hash symbol ‘#’ – as a means of coordinating a distributed discussion between more or less large groups of users, who do not need to be connected through existing ‘follower’ networks. Twitter hashtags – such as ‘#ausvotes’ for the 2010 Australian elections, ‘#londonriots’ for the coordination of information and political debates around the recent unrest in London, or ‘#wikileaks’ for the controversy around Wikileaks thus aid the formation of ad hoc publics around specific themes and topics. They emerge from within the Twitter community – sometimes as a result of pre-planning or quickly reached consensus, sometimes through protracted debate about what the appropriate hashtag for an event or topic should be (which may also lead to the formation of competing publics using different hashtags). Drawing on innovative methodologies for the study of Twitter content, this paper examines the use of hashtags in political debate in the context of a number of major case studies.

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Critical, loud, highly discursive and polarised; the #auspol hashtag represents a space, an event and a network for politically involved individuals to engage in and with Australian politics and speak to, at and about a variety of involved stakeholders. Contributors declare, debate and often berate each other’s opinions about current Australian politics. The hashtag itself is an important material object and engagement event involved within this performance of political participation. As a long-standing institution in the Twittersphere, and one studied by the authors and their colleagues since its early beginnings (Bruns and Burgess, 2011; Bruns and Stieglitz, 2012; 2013), the #auspol hashtag provides a potent case study through which to explore the discursive and affective dimensions of a hashtag public. This chapter that engages both empirically and theoretically with the use of this particular hashtag on Twitter to provide a qualitatively illustrated case in point for thinking about the long-term use of political hashtags as engagement events.

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Campaigning in Australian election campaigns at local, state, and federal levels is fundamentally affected by the fact that voting is compulsory in Australia, with citizens who are found to have failed to cast their vote subject to fines. This means that - contrary to the situation in most other nations – elections are decided not by which candidate or party has managed to encourage the largest number of nominal supporters to make the effort to cast their vote, but by some 10-20% of genuine ‘swinging voters’ who change their party preferences from one election to the next. Political campaigning is thus aimed less at existing party supporters (so-called ‘rusted on’ voters whose continued support for the party is essentially taken for granted) than at this genuinely undecided middle of the electorate. Over the past decades, this has resulted in a comparatively timid, vague campaigning style from both major party blocs (the progressive Australian Labor Party [ALP] and the conservative Coalition of the Liberal and National Parties [L/NP]). Election commitments that run the risk of being seen as too partisan and ideological are avoided as they could scare away swinging voters, and recent elections have been fought as much (or more) on the basis of party leaders’ perceived personas as they have on stated policies, even though Australia uses a parliamentary system in which the Prime Minister and state Premiers are elected by their party room rather than directly by voters. At the same time, this perceived lack of distinctiveness in policies between the major parties has also enabled the emergence of new, smaller parties which (under Australia’s Westminster-derived political system) have no hope of gaining a parliamentary majority but could, in a close election, come to hold the balance of power and thus exert disproportionate influence on a government which relies on their support.