734 resultados para nationalism
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The role of Constitutional Courts in deeply divided societies is complicated by the danger that the salient societal cleavages may influence judicial decision-making and, consequently, undermine judicial independence and impartiality. With reference to the decisions of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia-Herzegovina, this article investigates the influence of ethno-nationalism on judicial behaviour and the extent to which variation in judicial tenure amplifies or dampens that influence. Based on a statistical analysis of an original dataset of the Court’s decisions, we find that the judges do in fact divide predictably along ethno-national lines, at least in certain types of cases, and that these divisions cannot be reduced to a residual loyalty to their appointing political parties. Contrary to some theoretical expectations, however, we find that long-term tenure does little to dampen the influence of ethno-nationalism on judicial behaviour. Moreover, our findings suggest that the longer a judge serves on the Court the more ethno-national affiliation seems to influence her decision-making. We conclude by considering how alternative arrangements for the selection and tenure of judges might help to ameliorate this problem.
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The Scottish Committee on the History of Parliament was established in 1936 as an offshoot of Col. Josiah Wedgwood's scheme for a collaborative ‘history of parliament’ researched and written on biographical lines. Circumstances, however, determined that the Scottish history would take a separate path. When Wedgwood's scheme was revived in 1951 an unsuccessful attempt was made to reintegrate the two projects. Discussions between the respective managing committees were conflicted and often bad-tempered, focussing on different interpretations of the nature of the united parliament created in 1707. The Scottish committee insisted that it was a new constitutional entity, while the English saw it as a continuation of the Westminster parliament with Scottish MPs added. This story of mutual incomprehension illustrates the profound differences between Scottish and English academics in the writing of parliamentary history, and also reveals a hitherto unobserved element in the development among leading Scottish jurists of a strain of ‘legal nationalism’ based on their interpretation of the constitutional significance of the Union.
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In academic and public discourses on the Zionist-Palestinian conflict prevails still a ‘methodological nationalism’ based on a separatist imagination that overshadows the existence and role of Israeli-Palestinian forms of communality and solidarity. This article analyzes micropolitical practices that cross existing frontiers both within Israel and between occupied Palestinian territories and Israel. Through recent conceptualizations of ‘acts’, I read these ethnographic episodes in their intentional and performative dimension. What is the role of these ‘acts’? What are their effects on both the participants and the wider public? Through two interconnected cases, different functions of acts are explored. The first case relates to encounters between Israelis and Palestinian in the embattled city of Hebron in the occupied Palestinian territories; the second investigates moments of a Gandhi-inspired peace march at the ‘internal’ frontier of the Israeli Negev desert. The ethnographic perspective reveals what lies behind and beneath the acts, going beyond the obvious structures of power of the conflict. Acts function primarily as a valve of catharsis for the participants themselves, both overcoming and reproducing hegemonic discursive elements of the conflict. Paradoxically, acts of solidarity are often crucial in creating public knowledge about the conflict in more sectarian terms.
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This chapter considers the radical reimaginings of traditional Irish step dance in the recent works of Jean Butler and Colin Dunne, in which the Irish step-dancing body is separated from its historical roots in nationalism, from the exhibitionism required by the competitive form, and from the spectacularization of the commercialized theatrical format. In these works the traditional form undergoes a critical interrogation in which the dancers attempt to depart from the determinacy of the traditional technique, while acknowledging its formation of their corporealities; the Irish step-dance technique becomes a springboard for creative experimentation. To consider the importance of the creative potential revealed by these works, this chapter contextualizes them within the dance background from which they emerged, outlining the history of competitive step dancing in Ireland, the “modernization” of traditional Irish dance with the emergence of Riverdance (1994), and the experiments of Ireland’s national folk theater, Siamsa Tíre.
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El desarrollismo como ideología política enervó buena parte de la trama latinoamericana de las décadas de 1950 y de 1960. Si bien muchas veces se la puede entender como la mera adaptación del keynesianismo y la economía del desarrollo a las condiciones regionales, sus fuentes ideológicas resultaron mucho más complejas. Su configuración híbrida contuvo una mezcla de nacionalismo, economía del desarrollo, junto con marxismo y positivismo. Entre los ideólogos del desarrollismo argentino, nos interesa estudiar el aporte de un intelectual de formación leninista ortodoxa, Juan José Real, cuya participación resultaría problemática en el contexto de la agudización de la llamada Guerra Fría. En una mirada que combinaba la idea de ley aplicada a la historia y la voluntad como herramienta de cambio, Real sostenía que la etapa histórica que vivía el país requería la formación de un frente político cuyo objetivo debería ser la profundización del desarrollo capitalista, con la colaboración del capital extranjero, como la etapa necesaria para completar la formación de una nación, bajo el liderazgo de una burguesía modernizante.
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La frontière entre le politique et l'intellectualisme militant est, d'ordinaire, ténue. Tout univers politico-constitutionnel est ainsi susceptible de faire les frais d'un martèlement doctrinal qui, à maints égards, relève davantage du construit que du donné. Résultante directe d'une construction parfois intéressée, le récit identitaire, à force de répétition, s'installera confortablement sur les sièges de l'imaginaire populaire. Il accèdera, au fil du temps, au statut de mythe pur et simple. Ce dernier, politiquement parlant, revêt de puissants effets aphrodisiaques. La présente thèse doctorale s'intéresse plus particulièrement aux mythes créés, depuis 1982, par un segment de la doctrine québécoise : en matière de droits linguistiques, objet principal de notre étude, Charte canadienne des droits et libertés et Cour suprême, toutes deux liguées contre le Québec, combineront leurs efforts afin d'assurer le recul du fait français dans la Belle Province. Quant aux francophones hors Québec, ceux-ci, depuis l'effritement du concept de nation canadienne-française, sont dorénavant exclus de l'équation, expurgés de l'échiquier constitutionnel. En fait, l'adoption d'un nationalisme méthodologique comme nouvelle orthodoxie politique et doctrinale rend ardue, en plusieurs sens, la conciliation de leur existence avec les paradigmes et épistémologie maintenant consacrés. Ainsi, et selon la logique du tiers exclu, une victoire francophone hors Québec signifiera, du fait d'une prétendue symétrie interprétative, un gain pour la communauté anglo-québécoise. Cette thèse vise à discuter de la teneur de diverses allégories établies et, le cas échéant, à reconsidérer la portée réelle de la Charte canadienne en matière linguistique. Il sera alors démontré que plusieurs lieux communs formulés par les milieux intellectuels québécois échouent au moins partiellement, le test de l'analyse factuelle. Celui-ci certifiera de l'exclusion, par la doxa, de toute décision judiciaire ou autre vérité empirique ne pouvant cadrer à même les paramètres, voire les prismes, de l'orthodoxie suggérée.
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De svenska exportsträvandena kring sekelskiftet 1900 har belysts i några studier. Trots det vet vi lite om hur de svenska varorna mottogs och vilka problem som uppstod när Sverige på allvar gav sig ut på den globala marknaden. Denna artikel syftar till att avhjälpa denna brist genom att lyfta fram svenska exportproblem i relation till marknaderna i Södra Afrika vid sekelskiftet 1900. Det huvudsakliga materialet i artikeln består av 27 rapporter som skrevs av en exportagent och fem handelsstipendiater. Vad berättade de om problemen och hur reagerade man i samtiden på vad de berättade? I rapporterna från Södra Afrika beskrivs en rad utmaningar som den svenska exportsektorn var tvungen att övervinna för att kunna konkurrera på marknaderna. Dessa utmaningar har i artikeln sorterats in i tre olika kategorier. Varje kategori består av ett större problemkomplex som utgår från orsaker respektive lösningar på problemen. De tre kategorierna är de marknadsekonomiska problemen, de organisatoriskaproblemen och de nationella varumärkesrelateradeproblemen. Under perioden 1894-1908 skedde det en viss förskjutning från att bara marknadsekonomiska problem betonas till att de organisatoriska och nationellt varumärkesrelaterade problemen framträder. Denna förskjutning sammanfaller med det ”nationella uppvaknandet” i Sverige och framväxten av en ny nationalism fokuserad på industrialisering och modern teknologi. I artikeln framkommer det även att de problem och lösningar som lyftes fram i rapporterna från Södra Afrika inte var unika på något vis. I tidskriften Svensk Export, som gavs ut av Sveriges Allmänna Exportförening, publicerades det många artiklar och rapporter – både svenska och utländska - i vilka likartade problem och lösningar presenterades. Det handlade till exempel om att rätta sig efter efterfrågan, att skicka kunniga personer som kunde undersöka marknaderna, att göra reklam, att trycka kataloger på försäljningsmarknadens språk, att förbättra exportorganisationen och att industriidkare borde slå sig samman och arbeta tillsammans i form av handelsbolag.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06
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Like its title, Pyramus and Thisbe 4 You, Alexandru Dabija’s production at the Odeon Theatre, Bucharest, was a tongue-in-cheek invitation to the audience that at once aimed to tease past and recent Romanian endeavours and to tease out the stage potential a Shakespeare play holds today. My examination of the production re-constructs the local cultural contexts the production plays with and against, referring to the Romanian ways of making Shakespeare this production enters into dialogue with. Take 1, an all-female version casting the mature stars of the Odeon, I read against both Elizabethan all-male stage practice and Andrei Serban’s all-female Lear at the Bulandra (2008). Take 2, “an old device” (V.1.50): a teacher-student “devising” session at the Academy of Theatre and Cinema, I read against critics’ “more strange than true” (V.1.2) parlance on “theories of perception and reception” and against hi-tech Shakespeare dominating the Romanian stages in the first decade of the third millennium. Take 3, local political banter on ethnic discrimination, I read as “satire keen and critical” (V.1.54) on both communist censorship and the recent rise of nationalism in Romania. Take 4, a “cold” reading-cum-improvisation performed by the technical crew – this production’s mechanicals – I read as “palpable-gross play” (V.1.376) on both acting and spectating practices. What I argue in this article is that Dabija’s production goes beyond its local context and mores, and proposes a re-assessment of Shakespeare’s cultural currency in (European) Romania and Europe at large by exposing current tyrannies in Shakespeare studies: from translation and adaptation, through directing and acting, to viewing and reviewing.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-08
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In the present paper, we discuss the time before the “age of reports”. Besides the Coleman Report in the period of Coleman, the Lady Plowden Report also appeared, while there were important studies in France (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1964; Peyre, 1959) and studies that inaugurated comprehensive education in Nordic countries. We focus on the period after the World War II, which was marked by rising economic nationalism, on the one hand, and by the second wave of mass education, on the other, bearing the promise of more equality and a reduction of several social inequalities, both supposed to be ensured by school. It was a period of great expectations related to the power of education and the rise of educational meritocracy. On this background, in the second part of the paper, the authors attempt to explore the phenomenon of the aforementioned reports, which significantly questioned the power of education and, at the same time, enabled the formation of evidence-based education policies. In this part of the paper, the central place is devoted to the case of socialist Yugoslavia/Slovenia and its striving for more equality and equity through education. Through the socialist ideology of more education for all, socialist Yugoslavia, with its exaggerated stress on the unified school and its overemphasised belief in simple equality, overstepped the line between relying on comprehensive education as an important mechanism for increasing the possibility of more equal and just education, on the one hand, and the myth of the almighty unified school capable of eradicating social inequalities, especially class inequalities, on the other. With this radical approach to the reduction of inequalities, socialist policy in the then Yugoslavia paradoxically reduced the opportunity for greater equality, and even more so for more equitable education. (DIPF/Orig.)
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This dissertation project aims to establish Scandinavian trombone solo and chamber works as a major contribution to the trombone repertoire. From the late 19th century to modern day, Scandinavian composers have produced a steady output of trombone works of substantial musical quality. Deep-rooted in the traditions of strong military wind bands, Scandinavia has also produced an unusual number of trombone virtuosos, ranging from those holding positions in leading orchestras, and internationally renowned pedagogues, to trombonists enjoying careers as soloists. In this study I propose that it is the symbiotic relationship between strong performers and traditionally nationalist composers that created the fertile environment for the large number of popular trombone solo and chamber repertoire not seen in any other region besides the Paris Conservatory and its infamous test pieces. I also interpret the selected repertoire through the prism of nationalism and influence of folk music, and convey that the allure of the mystic Nordic folk influences enhances the appeal of the Scandinavian trombone repertoire to world-wide audiences and performers. The dissertation project was realized over three solo recitals, each showcasing the music of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark respectively. For each program, I looked to choose a standard work from the trombone solo repertoire, a work written for or by a native virtuoso, and a lesser-known work that warrants the attention of other performers for its musical qualities. The recital of Swedish music presented Mandrake in the Corner by Christian Lindberg, Subadobe by Frederik Högberg, A Christian Song by Jan Sandström, and Concertino for trombone and strings by Lars-Erik Larsson. The recital of Norwegian music presented Concerto for Trombone op. 76 by Egil Hovland, Ordner Seg by Øystein Baadsvik, Elegi by Magne Amdahl, and Concerto in F major by Ole Olsen. The recital of Danish music presented Rapsodia Borealis by Søren Hyldgaard, Madrigal by Bo Gunge, Romance for trombone and piano by Axel Jørgensen, Concerto for trombone by Launy Grøndahl, and Three Swedish Tunes by Mogens Andresen. Through the performance of works from these three countries, the dissertation establishes Scandinavia as a rich source of solo trombone repertoire perpetuated by nationalist composers and virtuosos, as well as providing a brief survey of Scandinavian trombone works of various instrumentation and difficulty levels to be enjoyed by student, professional, and amateur performers and their audience.
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This study focuses on the representations of science and technology in the thinking of the Brazilian intellectual Gustavo Barroso in the period between 1909 and 1935. As one of the main leaders of the Brazilian Integralism, we will discuss,especially, his eugenic vision, prior to his participation in integralism and the influence of this science in building his authoritarian and anti-Semitic thinking. We seek to realize Gustavo Barroso dialogue, in a context of profound social and political changes, with the search for a nationalism "truly Brazilian." The methodology used was of a documentary and literature research , highlighting the analysis of Gustavo Barroso books, which were used as primary sources: Intelligencia das Coisas(1923), Aquém da Atlântida (1931), Brasil Colônia de Banqueiros (1934), O Integralismo de Norte a Sul (1934), O Quarto Império (1935) e A Palavra e o Pensamento Integralista (1935), and, also, some of his articles surveyed in the National History Museum collection. The survey results show that in this period Gustavo Barroso went on to develop in his writings an eugenic and authoritarian political vision, later, in his integralist phase, linked strongly to an anti-Semitic view.
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In 1964, the South Korean government designated the music for the sacrificial rite at the Royal Ancestral Shrine (Chongmyo) as Intangible Cultural Property No. 1, and in 2001 UNESCO awarded the rite and music a place in the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. The Royal Ancestral Shine sacrificial rite and music together have long been an admired symbol of Korean cultural history, and they are currently performed annually and publicly in an abridged form. While the significance of the modern version of the music mainly rests on the claimed authenticity and continuity of the tradition since the fifteenth century, scholarly inquiry sheds further light on contextual issues such as nationalism, identity, and modernity in the post-colonial era (after 1945), as well as providing additional insights into the music. This dissertation focuses on the Royal Ancestral Shrine’s musical past as reflected in documentary sources, especially those compiled in the eighteenth century during the Chosŏn dynasty (1392–1910). In particular, the substantial music section of an encyclopedic work, Tongguk Munhŏn pigo (Encyclopedia of Documents and Institutions of the East Kingdom, 1770), mainly compiled by a government official, Sŏ Myŏngŭng (1716–1787), provides a considerable amount of information on not only the music and sacrificial rite program, but also on eighteenth-century and earlier concerns about them, as discussed by the kings and ministers at the Chosŏn royal court. After detailed examination of various relevant documentary sources on the historical, social and political contexts, I investigate the various discourses on music and ritual practices. I then focus on Sŏ Myŏngŭng’s familial background, his writings on music prior to the compilation of the encyclopedia, and the corresponding content in the encyclopedia. I argue that Sŏ successfully converted the music section of the encyclopedia from a straightforward scholarly reference work to a space for publishing his own research on and interpretation of the musical past, illustrating what he considered to be the inappropriateness of the existing music for the sacrificial rite at the Royal Ancestral Shrine in the later eighteenth century.
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High-ranking Chinese military officials are often quoted in international media as stating that China cannot afford to lose even an inch of Chinese territory, as this territory has been passed down from Chinese ancestors. Such statements are not new in Chinese politics, but recently this narrative has made an important transition. While previously limited to disputes over land borders, such rhetoric is now routinely applied to disputes involving islands and maritime borders. China is increasingly oriented toward its maritime borders and seems unwilling to compromise on delimitation disputes, a transition mirrored by many states across the globe. In a similar vein, scholarship has found that territorial disputes are particularly intractable and volatile when compared with other types of disputes, and a large body of research has grappled with producing systematic knowledge of territorial conflict. Yet in this wide body of literature, an important question has remained largely unanswered - how do states determine which geographical areas will be included in their territorial and maritime claims? In other words, if nations are willing to fight and die for an inch of national territory, how do governments draw the boundaries of the nation? This dissertation uses in-depth case studies of some of the most prominent territorial and maritime disputes in East Asia to argue that domestic political processes play a dominant and previously under-explored role in both shaping claims and determining the nature of territorial and maritime disputes. China and Taiwan are particularly well suited for this type of investigation, as they are separate claimants in multiple disputes, yet they both draw upon the same historical record when establishing and justifying their claims. Leveraging fieldwork in Taiwan, China, and the US, this dissertation includes in-depth case studies of China’s and Taiwan’s respective claims in both the South China Sea and East China Sea disputes. Evidence from this dissertation indicates that officials in both China and Taiwan have struggled with how to reconcile history and international law when establishing their claims, and that this struggle has introduced ambiguity into China's and Taiwan's claims. Amid this process, domestic political dynamics have played a dominant role in shaping the options available and the potential for claims to change in the future. In Taiwan’s democratic system, where national identity is highly contested through party politics, opinions vary along a broad spectrum as to the proper borders of the nation, and there is considerable evidence that Taiwan’s claims may change in the near future. In contrast, within China’s single-party authoritarian political system, where nationalism is source of regime legitimacy, views on the proper interpretation of China’s boundaries do vary, but along a much more narrow range. In the dissertation’s final chapter, additional cases, such as South Korea’s position on Dokdo and Indonesia’s approach to the defense of Natuna are used as points of comparison to further clarify theoretical findings.