722 resultados para POLITICIANS
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With the prevalence of smartphones, new ways of engaging citizens and stakeholders in urban planning and govern-ance are emerging. The technologies in smartphones allow citizens to act as sensors of their environment, producing and sharing rich spatial data useful for new types of collaborative governance set-ups. Data derived from Volunteered Geographic Information (VGI) can support accessible, transparent, democratic, inclusive, and locally-based governance situations of interest to planners, citizens, politicians, and scientists. However, there are still uncertainties about how to actually conduct this in practice. This study explores how social media VGI can be used to document spatial tendencies regarding citizens’ uses and perceptions of urban nature with relevance for urban green space governance. Via the hashtag #sharingcph, created by the City of Copenhagen in 2014, VGI data consisting of geo-referenced images were collected from Instagram, categorised according to their content and analysed according to their spatial distribution patterns. The results show specific spatial distributions of the images and main hotspots. Many possibilities and much potential of using VGI for generating, sharing, visualising and communicating knowledge about citizens’ spatial uses and preferences exist, but as a tool to support scientific and democratic interaction, VGI data is challenged by practical, technical and ethical concerns. More research is needed in order to better understand the usefulness and application of this rich data source to governance.
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The first two decades of 21st century were times of great social, economic and political changes in Brazil where sport mega events (FIFA WC 2014, Rio 2016) played a key role in how the nation portrayed and promoted itself in a global scale. Despite the undeniable importance of Presidents Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff in attempt to present the country as global protagonist with more political power and social advancements, this works is intended to discuss and extended the discussion upon mega events as different ways of repeating old traditions and practices, (radically) contextualizing the role of other players and agents (sport officials, local politicians, sponsors and local media), their biases and interests, in accordance to traditional colonial processes and the dominant neo-liberal paradigm.
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Artykuł dotyka problemu polityczności z punktu widzenia komunikacji, która – jako subdyscyplina politologii – stanowi integralną część programów nauczania przyszłych absolwentów tego kierunku, przez co konieczną wydaje się być dyskusja na temat umiejscowienia tego zagadnienia w ramach dyscypliny. Co ciekawe, dyskurs naukowy zdominowany przez zagadnienia związane z mediami i przesyłaniem danych kanałami informacyjnymi, często pomija kwestie komunikowania bezpośredniego i poziomego; tym odbywającą się między obywatelami, ale – przede wszystkim – samymi politykami. Informacja – jako podstawowa jednostka komunikacyjna – staje się tu jednym z elementów relacji o cesze polityczności oraz środkiem osiągania celów, wpisując się tym samym w dyskusję o podstawach teoretycznych dyscypliny i o granicach badań nad zjawiskami tradycyjnie podejmowanymi w swoich rozważaniach przez przedstawicieli nauk politycznych. The article takes up a problem of " the political " from communication point of view, which-as a sub-discipline of political science-is an integral part of the curriculum for future graduates of this discipline. It seems to be necessary to locate this issue in the branch of studies. Interestingly, scientific discourse dominated by media and information channels, often ignores direct and horizontal communication, especially between citizens and-above all-politicians themselves. Information, as the basic unit of communication, becomes the part of " political relations " and the specific form of meeting a political aim. Therefore, it " fits in " the discussion of theoretical foundations of this discipline and scope of research in the area of phenomenons traditionally analysed by representatives of political science.
O que pensam os alunos e os professores de Educação Física dos Açores sobre a indisciplina nas aulas
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Afirmar-se que hoje existe mais indisciplina nas escolas do que aquela que existia no passado é já um discurso ritual em educadores e educandos. Embora se admita algum empolamento nessa afirmação, a verdade é que esta problemática está na ordem do dia. A frequência e a visibilidade de actos perturbadores do processo pedagógico, que no limite visam o professor na sua pessoa e na sua autoridade, catapultam-nos para o conjunto de preocupações centrais da comunidade educativa. Este trabalho procura dar conta de como professores de Educação Física e alunos dos Açores entendem e classificam o fenómeno. Procura perceber qual a orientação predominante que tomam os comportamentos de indisciplina num ambiente de aula com maior mobilidade e com actividades que por vezes apelam a contacto físico e/ou envolvem a produção de barulhos, aspectos, entre outros, que distinguem as aulas de Educação Física da maioria das restantes disciplinas escolares. Participaram no estudo 4 199 alunos dos 2° e 3° Ciclos do Ensino Básico e do Ensino secundário e 117 professores distribuídos por 30 escolas do Arquipélago dos Açores. As representações acerca da indisciplina em aulas de Educação Física foram estudadas através de inquérito por questionário. Os resultados evidenciam que no entendimento e na classificação do fenómeno da indisciplina a dimensão relacional surge de forma continuada tanto em professores como em alunos, apesar de algumas diferenças encontradas entre as concepções destes dois grupos. Verificou-se também que, na perspectiva dos alunos, os comportamentos mais graves são os que implicam colisão com a pessoa do professor. Contudo, em regra, os professores parecem deter um juízo de eficácia positivo acerca das suas actuações disciplinares.
Fronteras de la tolerancia : la arquitectura del Tratado Teológico-Político y su fuerza perturbadora
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Spinoza no ha elaborado una doctrina sistemática sobre la tolerancia, sin embargo resulta manifiesta su preocupación por los efectos que tienen para el estado moderno tanto su carencia como una excesiva permisividad en este asunto. En el Tratado Teológico-político el filósofo censura la conducta pertinaz de los fariseos por su falta de tolerancia, al mismo tiempo que contempla con recelo la complacencia de algunos políticos holandeses que, en el presente, hacen gala de una tolerancia hipertrofiada. En el presente artículo consideraremos la posición de Spinoza ante estas dos tradiciones, y su propuesta a favor de delimitar con claridad las fronteras de la tolerancia en el estado con el fin de proteger el imperium de la república y la libertad del ciudadano.
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The aim of this paper is to present the findings of a quantitative content analysis of the Polish print media. Sharing the codebook and procedures with an international team, we were able to gain a broad perspective on the media coverage of the first Polish EU presidency. In particular, we focused on: (1) the number of items covering events related to the presidency, (2) the prominence of the topic, (3) genres, (4) main topics, (5) authors of news, (6) authors of opinions, and (7) the way Polish journalists evaluated Poland’s performance during the EU presidency. The findings showed that although Polish print press reported the first Polish EU presidency, the topic’s prominence was not very high. Media organizations rather rarely presented the topic on the front page and they did not change their regular editorial policy. Most of the news items, as well as opinions and comments, were written by staff members. Furthermore, journalists seemed to be more interested in the opinions of national politicians, rather than experts. As a result, the framework of the coverage was predominantly domestic. Journalists working for daily newspapers focused mostly on providing news and their own interpretations of the reported events. On the contrary weekly magazines provided comments and interviews, but again, most of the opinions were expressed by their own journalists and editors.
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Introducción: La comunicación institucional y la comunicación política deberían tener cauces de difusión separados pero, adoptando la hipótesis de la normalización, en las redes sociales también se refleja la tendencia al indebido uso partidista de los canales institucionales. Metodología: Este estudio analiza las publicaciones en Twitter de 40 cuentas institucionales españolas distribuidas equitativamente entre cuatro niveles territoriales (estatal, autonómico, provincial y local). Se trata de una investigación cualitativa con un método exploratorio en el que se ha empleado fundamentalmente el análisis de contenido. Resultados y conclusiones: Los resultados verifican la hipótesis de que se están dando usos propagandísticos y partidistas desde estas cuentas institucionales con una decena de tendencias que reflejan una gran preocupación por la proyección de los políticos en tanto que agentes de un partido. Por tanto, se consolida en este nuevo canal la confusión de estos dos planos, ya advertida en investigaciones previas con respecto a las salas de prensa online de una institución (García Orosa y Vázquez Sande, 2012).
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Trust is a pervasive phenomenon in our lives. We trust our family members and lovers, our physicians and teachers, our politicians and even strangers on the street. Trust has instrumental value for us, but at the same time it is often accompanied by risk. This is the reason why it is important to distinguish trust that is warranted or justified from blind trust. In order to answer the question how trust is justified, however, it is crucial to know exactly what is the fundamental nature of trust. In the paper, I reconstruct three accounts of trust that operate with the assumption that trust is fundamentally a mental state – the cognitivist account, the voluntaristic account and the affect-based account. I argue that all of these accounts make reference to deeply held intuitions about trust that are incompatible with each other. As a solution to this unfortunate dialectical situation, I suggest to give up the assumption that trust is primarily a mental state. Instead, I argue for a position according to which trust is best understood as a two-place predicate that characterizes a specific relationship in which we can stand to each other.
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A chapter linking universities and welfare states to permanent financial austerity can take a shorter or a longer historical perspective. This chapter looks further back (to the postwar expansion of European welfare states) to better understand future transformations of both public institutions. Their long-term sustainability problems did not start with the financial crisis of 2008 but have been growing since the 1970s (Schäfer and Streeck 2013; Bonoli and Natali 2012; Hay and Wincott 2012). Financial austerity is not a post-crisis phenomenon. As a concept, it was used in welfare state research at least a decade earlier, although it does not seem to have been used in higher education studies until recently. Two quotations bring us to the heart of the matter: welfare states and universities are currently changing under adverse financial conditions caused by an array of interrelating and mutually reinforcing forces and their long-term financial sustainability is at stake across Europe. The welfare state is a “particular trademark of the European social model” (Svallfors 2012: 1), “the jewel in the crown” and a “fundamental part of what Europe stands for” (Giddens 2006: 14), as are tuition-free universities, the cornerstone of intergenerational social mobility in Continental Europe. The past trajectories of major types of welfare states and of universities in Europe tend to go hand in hand: first vastly expanding following the Second World War, and especially in the 1960s and 1970s, and then being in the state of permanent resource-driven and legitimacy-based “crisis” in the last two decades. Welfare states and universities, two critically important public institutions, seem to be under heavy attacks from the public, the media and politicians. Their long-term sustainability is being questioned, and solutions to their (real and perceived) problems are being sought at global, European, and national levels.
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This is a qualitative case study of the adoption of a currency board in Argentina in 1991. It presents a discursive analysis and intellectual history of four overlaying and mutually influencing stories of Convertibility’s adoption. It is (1) the story of how Menem aligned himself to the Washington Consensus as a means to win a Presidential election. This ideological alignment influences and is influenced by a (2) reconstitution of the Peronist Party’s historically entrenched identity. This in turn re-fashion the whole system of interest articulation and relative power of interest groups in Argentina. The adoption of a currency board also marks the pace of (3) the entrenchment neoliberal interests across a domestic network of neoliberal think-tanks, technocrats, politicians, and “technopoles” articulating neoliberal interests outside of the Washington Consensus, within an International Neoliberal Network. Argentina’s adoption of a currency board falls in line with the Corner Solutions, a neoliberal doctrine promoted to influence developing countries to adopt two forms of exchange rate regimes that allow for less government involvement, including a currency board. Argentina starts as a test country and then becomes (4) an ideological stepping stone to help promote the creation of currency boards across more “developing” countries. These stories are not sequential but concurrent, and they help advance an alternative critique of neoliberalism that focuses on specifics to induce case-specific lessons versus a theory claiming to provide any universal truth.
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The Women s experiences in the private sphere under the work s field changes the family relationship allowing them more freedom, autonomy and independence. The inequalities, socially built, homemade women s obligations results in discrimination, difficult to insert and recovery on female s job in a job s market, including low salary if compared with men s and difficult to services access in addiction a difficult daily life and in domestic sphere. The women s organisation in productive groups or economically solidary enterprises (ESE) torn possible the social economically organisations and politicians to promote deep changes in a domestically e socially relationship, positioning, for example, women s in publics areas and in the rout of emancipation. The objective of this search are understand men and women relationship in the family agriculture s field starts insert women in economically solidary enterprises (ESE) on Mulunguzinho s settlement (Mossoró/RN). The theoretical framework is inspirited Economical Solidary concept kind division s job and women s empowerment. This search had a qualitative character and exploration through case s study on Mulheres decididas a vencer s group. The secondary information was create through theoretical framework and information collected through semi-structured interviews based in interviews applied for women and yours respective husbands by criterion for women participation on productive activities of beekeeping culture of goat and sheep. This study turns possible conclude that the women s participations in productive groups in solidary economical change significantly their life and their family life. The group s organisations process, the training was received, the collective production, the marketing and the mobilized participation to move it all was fundamental for women share with their families partners some homemade and take care with the children. This finding confirm a different aspect not economical in solidary economy overcoming the monetary value in associative relationship observing principally individuals well-being and the concern with the form of reproduction this way of life in the associated
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This work considers a ethnography boarding on the Apãniekra Jê-Timbira group of Central Brazil - leaving of a proposal of agreement of the group in perspectives of historical situations, analyzing its social organization from situational approaches. Taking the ethnography as main tool of production of data, the focus of the research takes dimension, when in the course of the ethnography situation, they come out, from certain events, social dramas that if ramify in crises, conflicts, faccionalismo. I analyze the mechanisms elaborated for the group to neutralize these dramas , such as the constitution of a tribal court , composites for native mediators and external mediators, dynamics ritual processes and politicians.
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O objetivo principal deste estudo é avaliar se as medidas e ações implementadas pelos governantes para aperfeiçoar o modelo de governança pública brasileiro estão contribuindo para elevar o nível de controle social e de transparência na administração pública. Pressupomos que a promoção da transparência e do acesso à informação é uma medida essencial para o fortalecimento do controle social e da democracia, e por decorrência, para a melhoria da qualidade da gestão pública. Trata-se de um artigo teóricoempírico e bibliográfico, apoiado nas abordagens das teorias da governança, neoinstitucional e da agência. A partir da literatura, relatórios e das normas legais, buscamos identificar inicialmente as motivações que levaram à adaptação e transferência das experiências da governança corporativa para o setor público. Realizou-se, ainda, uma pesquisa de campo para avaliar a qualidades das informações das despesas públicas disponibilizadas pelos portais de transparência dos 200 municípios mais populosos do país. Conclui-se, por fim, que ainda existem inúmeros desafios e obstáculos a serem superados nos âmbitos sociocultural e institucional. Essas dificuldades são agravadas por deficiências de competência e de valores éticos e morais dos governantes e políticos, essenciais para viabilizar uma boa governança pública, elevar a transparência e aumentar o controle social no Brasil. _______________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
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O insucesso escolar em Portugal é preocupante e é um tema que vem despertando interesse crescente por parte dos políticos, dos professores, dos pais e do público em geral. Entre as disciplinas que mais contribuem para esse insucesso está a Matemática. O insucesso na Matemática é uma realidade incontornável, visível não apenas pelos maus resultados alcançados pelos alunos em testes e exames, mas também pelas enormes dificuldades manifestadas por eles na resolução de problemas, no raciocínio matemático e, sobretudo, pelo seu desinteresse em relação à Matemática. Nesta dissertação procurou aliar-se as metodologias de Estatística Multivariada, nomeadamente de Regressão Logística e de Análise de Clusters, ao insucesso escolar. As técnicas estatísticas foram aplicadas a uma base de dados construída para o efeito a partir dos resultados obtidos num inquérito aplicado aos alunos de uma escola, com o objetivo de investigar associações entre o (in)sucesso dos alunos 3.º Ciclo do Ensino Básico na disciplina de Matemática e um conjunto de variáveis referentes a dados pessoais, familiares e escolares dos alunos. Os resultados obtidos através da Análise de Regressão Logistica sugerem que a repetência a Matemática (nível inferior a 3 no final do ano letivo) está dependente da idade do aluno, das dificuldades sentidas, da participação nas aulas, do empenho e do comportamento do aluno. A Análise de Clusters procurou agrupar as variáveis em grupos homogéneos relativamente a características comuns. Verificou-se que as variáveis comportamento do aluno, fazer os trabalhos de casa e a relação com a professora estão fortemente correlacionadas, bem como as variáveis dificuldades e repetência, mas estas duas últimas bastante distantes das restantes. Da aplicação do Método Duas Etapas às variáveis de opinião, fatores de insucesso escolar e medidas para colmatar esse insucesso, resultou três Clusters, dois grandes grupos, um em que predomina a resposta não concordo nem discordo e outro em que predomina o concordo totalmente. Nesta dissertação conseguiu-se identificar importantes factores que podem ajudar a reduzir o insucesso, pelo que os seus resultados poderão ser usados no futuro na elaboração de medidas para melhorar o sucesso.
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320 p.