1000 resultados para Gran Bretaña-Economia política


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This paper analyses reasons of the instability of the world monetary system. The author considers this problem from historical and contemporary perspectives. According to presented point of view banknotes and electronic money which replaced gold and silver coins in popular circulation are the most important reason of the instability. There are also proven positive and negative consequences of money instability. Reforms of the world monetary system need agreement within the global collective hegemony of state-powers and transnational corporations.

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Global finance, combining offshore banking and universal banks to drive a broader globalization process, has transformed the modus operandi of the world economy. This requires a new "meta-economic" framework in which short-term portfolio-investment flows are treated as the dominant phenomenon they have become. Organized by global finance, these layered bi-directional flows between center and periphery manage a tension between financial concentration and monetary fragmentation. The resulting imbalances express the asymmetries built into that tension and render the exchange rate a more strategic policy variable than ever.

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The financialization of the Brazilian economy is often criticized as being responsible of the slowdown of capital accumulation in this country. Indeed, very high interest rates are maintained in order to finance the public debt, and this fosters capitalists to get more Treasury bonds rather than to invest in the productive area. Nevertheless, the evolution of the profit rate in this area also explains the particular relation existing between capitalists, finance and productive investment, as Marx showed it more than a century ago.

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This paper examines the structuralist tradition in economics, emphasizing the role that structures play in the economic growth of developing countries. Since the subject at hand is evidently too large to cover in a single article, an emphasis has been brought to bear upon the macroeconomic elements of such a tradition, while also exploring its methodological aspects. It begins by analysing some general aspects of structuralism in economics (its evolution and origins) associated with ECLAC thought, in this instance focusing on the dynamics of the center-periphery relationship. Thereafter, the macroeconomic structuralism derived from the works of Taylor (1983, 1991) is presented, followed by a presentation of neo-structuralism. Centred on the concept of systemic competitiveness, this approach defines a strategy to achieve the high road of globalization, understood here as an inevitable process in spite of its engagement being dependent on the policies adopted. The conclusions show the genuine contributions of this tradition to economic theory.

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Textbook theory ignores capital flows: trade determines exchange rates and specialisation. Approaches taking the effects of capital movements adequately into account are needed, and a new theory of economic policy including measures to protect the real economy from external volatility. Equilibrating textbook mechanisms cannot work unless trade-caused surpluses and deficits set exchange rates. To allow orthodox trade theory to work one must hinder capital flows from destroying its very basis, which the IMF and wrong regulatory decisions have done, penalising production and trade. A new, real economy based theory is proposed, a Neoclassical agenda of controlling capital flows and speculation.

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If emerging markets are to achieve their objective of joining the ranks of industrialized, developed countries, they must use their economic and political influence to support radical change in the international financial system. This working paper recommends John Maynard Keynes's "clearing union" as a blueprint for reform of the international financial architecture that could address emerging market grievances more effectively than current approaches. Keynes's proposal for the postwar international system sought to remedy some of the same problems currently facing emerging market economies. It was based on the idea that financial stability was predicated on a balance between imports and exports over time, with any divergence from balance providing automatic financing of the debit countries by the creditor countries via a global clearinghouse or settlement system for trade and payments on current account. This eliminated national currency payments for imports and exports; countries received credits or debits in a notional unit of account fixed to national currency. Since the unit of account could not be traded, bought, or sold, it would not be an international reserve currency. The credits with the clearinghouse could only be used to offset debits by buying imports, and if not used for this purpose they would eventually be extinguished; hence the burden of adjustment would be shared equally - credit generated by surpluses would have to be used to buy imports from the countries with debit balances. Emerging market economies could improve upon current schemes for regionally governed financial institutions by using this proposal as a template for the creation of regional clearing unions using a notional unit of account.

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Many economists show certain nonconformity relative to the excessive mathematical formalization of economics. This stems from dissatisfaction with the old debate about the lack of correspondence between mainstream theoretical models and reality. Although we do not propose to settle this debate here, this article seeks to associate the mismatch of mathematized models with the reality of the adoption of the hypothetical-deductive method as reproduced by general equilibrium. We begin by defining the main benefits of the mathematization of economics. Secondly, we address traditional criticism leveled against it. We then focus on more recent criticism from Gillies (2005) and Bresser-Pereira (2008). Finally, we attempt to associate the reproduction of the hypothetical-deductive method with a metatheoretical process triggered by Debreu's general equilibrium theory. In this respect, we appropriate the ideas of Weintraub (2002), Punzo (1991), and mainly Woo (1986) to support our hypothesis.

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This article analyses the relationship between state policies and economy in Argentina 1991-2001. In 1991 the currency board regime named 'convertibility' was implemented, within the framework of important neoliberal reforms introduced by the State. These neoliberal reforms facilitated capitalist restructuring, characterized by a leap in productivity, investment and profits. Likewise, these reforms generated imbalances which, along with the changes in the world market conditions from 1998, led to the deepest crisis in Argentina's history. The inefficiency of state neoliberal policies in managing the crisis, based on fiscal adjustment to guarantee the continuity of external financing, led to an economic depression and a financial crash, sparking a mass rebellion and the end of convertibility.

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In August 2010 Brazil decided to limit foreign direct investments (FDIs) in land, and attracted the attention of politicians as much as the fears of businessmen. However, few months before, in September 2009, it had concluded a trilateral agreement with Japan and Mozambique to implement agribusiness and contract farming on an area of ten million hectares in the Mozambican region of Nacala. In light of that, the paper analyses the apparent duality of the Brazilian politics, and concludes that, exactly like in the case of the novel by Robert Louis Stevenson, it is not a matter of pathology, but a voluntarily induced double personality which is strategic in positioning Brazil at the core of the global capitalist system.

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O artigo argumenta que é possível se falar em uma 'tradição' no campo de filosofia social e econômica unindo as obras de J.S. Mill e Alfred Marshall e J.M. Keynes. Essa 'tradição' pode ser caracterizada pelas seguintes concepções: (a) pela rejeição moral aos valores aquisitivos do capitalismo; (b) pela visão de que o sistema capitalista seria incapaz de resolver de forma espontânea as questões das desigualdades de renda e riqueza e da pobreza; (c) pela ideia de que, por uma questão de garantia de liberdade e da diversidade, além de por questões de eficiência econômica, dever-se-ia deixar a iniciativa individual agir livremente nas esferas em que é capaz de engendrar bons resultados, mas que o Estado deveria intervir, quando essa falha, atuando em benefício da coletividade; (d) pela crença de que seria possível melhorar significativamente esse sistema por meio de mudanças pontuais e graduais.

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ABSTRACTThe gathering momentum of globalization in the world economy has coincided with the spread of political democracy across countries. Economies have become global. But politics remains national. This essay explores the relationship between globalization and democracy, which is neither linear nor characterized by structural rigidities. It seeks to analyze how globalization might constrain degrees of freedom for nation states and space for democratic politics, and how political democracy within countries might exercise some checks and balances on markets and globalization. The essential argument is that the relationship between globalization and democracy is dialectical and does not conform to ideological caricatures.

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RESUMOEste artigo apresenta uma perspectiva macroeconômica do Brasil no final de 2014 e uma análise dos principais desafios à sua política macroeconômica nos anos subsequentes. De um lado, a análise é focada na relação entre as taxas de juros, o crescimento e a taxa de câmbio real. Por outro lado, o documento também analisa os múltiplos aspectos e proble­mas da política fiscal no Brasil.

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RESUMOEste artigo discute a necessidade de ajuste do preço microeconômico no Brasil no final do primeiro governo Dilma Rousseff (2011-14). O controle de preço é feito por diferentes meios, pelos três níveis de governo, federal, estadual e municipal. Ele inclui serviços regulados por agências nos setores de infraestrutura, como energia elétrica, telefonia fixa e estradas pedagiadas, o controle direto dos preços de empresas estatais, como produtos de petróleo, ou através de legislação específica, como nos serviços de saúde. No entanto, os diferentes níveis de governo, eventualmente, distorcem os preços através de medidas arbitrárias, por objetivos políticos de curto prazo, desconsiderando as instituições destinadas a defini-los. A ênfase do trabalho é avaliar a evolução destes preços durante o último mandato presidencial e a dificuldade de manter os reais preços administrados em tal contexto.

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ABSTRACTWe discuss historic trends in large metropolitan areas in Brazil showing that manufacturing has decreased its share in the country but the movement was, in general, more intense in large metropolitan areas and particularly in the São Paulo Metropolitan Area (SPMA). This movement was more intense in the 1980s and in the first half of the 1990s. From mid 1990s up to the end of the 2000s, the manufacturing share trend became flat. We speculate that the first period reflects the exhaustion of the process of import substitution that took place in the previous three decades (1950 to 1980). The second period, from 1993 to 2009, is representative of a new model of growth and the evidence that manufacturing share became flat is reinforcing the idea of a new period in terms of manufacturing employment. While concentration has risen from 1996 to 2005, it decreased again in the second half of the first decade of the 2000s. The SPMA reinvented itself very quickly from late 1970s to mid-2000s.

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RESUMODurante o primeiro mandato da presidente Dilma, os preços administrados foram utilizados como um instrumento para cumprir a meta de inflação, de modo a subordinar as políticas industriais para finalidades macroeconômicas de curto prazo. Esta estratégia foi ineficaz para controlar a inflação e distorceu decisões de investimento e consumo. O artigo mostra que os preços tendem a desviar-se mais, quanto maior for seu peso no índice de preços, e tendem a variar de forma consistente com os ciclos políticos. O artigo conclui com sugestões de políticas para controlar o efeito negativo de desvios de critério do governo para determinar os preços administrados.