987 resultados para Episcopal Church. Diocese of West Virginia
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A field experiment with millet (Pennisetum glaucum L.), sorghum [Sorghum bicolor (L.) Moench], cowpea (Vigna unguiculata L.) and groundnut (Arachnis hypogeae L.) was conducted on severely P-deficient acid sandy soils of Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso to measure changes in pH and nutrient availability as affected by distance from the root surface and by mineral fertiliser application. Treatments included three rates of phosphorus (P) and four levels of nitrogen (N) application. Bulk, rhizosphere and rhizoplane soils were sampled at 35, 45 and 75 DAS in 1997 and at 55 and 65 DAS in 1998. Regardless of the cropping system and level of mineral fertiliser applied, soil pH consistently increased between 0.7 and two units from the bulk soil to the rhizoplane of millet. Similar pH gradients were observed in cowpea, but pH changes were much smaller in sorghum with a difference of only 0.3 units. Shifts in pH led to large increases in nutrient availability close to the roots. Compared with the bulk soil, available P in the rhizoplane was between 190 and 270% higher for P-Bray and between 360 and 600% higher for P-water. Exchangeable calcium (Ca) and magnesium (Mg) levels were also higher in the millet rhizoplane than in the bulk soil, whereas exchangeable aluminium (Al) levels decreased with increasing pH close to the root surface. The results suggest an important role of root-induced pH increases for crops to cope with acidity-induced nutrient deficiency and Al stress of soils in the Sudano-Sahelian zone of West Africa.
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The use of crop residues (CR) has been widely reported as a means of increasing crop yields across West Africa. However, little has been done to compare the magnitude and mechanisms of CR effects systematically in the different agro-ecological zones of the region. To this end, a series of field trials with millet (Pennisetum glaucum L.), sorghum [Sorghum bicolor (L.) Moench], and maize (Zea mays L.) was conducted over a 4-yr period in the Sahelian, Sudanian, and Guinean zones of West Africa. Soils ranged in pH from 4.1 to 5.4 along a rainfall gradient from 510 to 1300 mm. Treatments in the factorial experiments were three CR rates (0,500, and 2000 kg ha^-1)and several levels of phosphorus and nitrogen. The results showed CR-induced total dry matter (TDM) increases in cereals up to 73% for the Sahel compared with a maximum of 16% in the wetter Sudanian and Guinean zones. Residue effects on weakly buffered Sahelian soils were due to improved P availability and to a protection of seedlings against wind erosion. Additional effects of CR mulching on topsoil properties in the Sahel were a decrease in peak temperatures by 4°C and increased water availability. These mulch effects on soil chemical and physical properties strongly decreased from North to South. Likely explanations for this decrease are the decline of dust deposition and wind erosion hazards, the higher soil clay content, lower air temperature, and a faster decomposition rate of mulch material with increasing rainfall from the Sahel to the Sudanian and Guinean zones.
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Among shrubland- and young forest-nesting bird species in North America, Golden-winged Warblers (Vermivora chrysoptera) are one of the most rapidly declining partly because of limited nesting habitat. Creation and management of high quality vegetation communities used for nesting are needed to reduce declines. Thus, we examined whether common characteristics could be managed across much of the Golden-winged Warbler’s breeding range to increase daily survival rate (DSR) of nests. We monitored 388 nests on 62 sites throughout Minnesota, Wisconsin, New York, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, and West Virginia. We evaluated competing DSR models in spatial-temporal (dominant vegetation type, population segment, state, and year), intraseasonal (nest stage and time-within-season), and vegetation model suites. The best-supported DSR models among the three model suites suggested potential associations between daily survival rate of nests and state, time-within-season, percent grass and Rubus cover within 1 m of the nest, and distance to later successional forest edge. Overall, grass cover (negative association with DSR above 50%) and Rubus cover (DSR lowest at about 30%) within 1 m of the nest and distance to later successional forest edge (negative association with DSR) may represent common management targets across our states for increasing Golden-winged Warbler DSR, particularly in the Appalachian Mountains population segment. Context-specific adjustments to management strategies, such as in wetlands or areas of overlap with Blue-winged Warblers (Vermivora cyanoptera), may be necessary to increase DSR for Golden-winged Warblers.
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This paper presents results from a project designed to explore the meaning and function of partnership within the Catholic Church development chain. The geography literature has had little to say about such aid chains, especially those founded on faith-based groups. The relationships between three Catholic Church-based donors - referred to as A, B and C - with development personnel of the diocese of the Abuja Ecclesiastical Province (AEP) as well as other Catholic Church structures in Nigeria were analysed. The aim was to explore the forces behind the relationships and how 'patchy' these relationships were in AEP. Respondents were asked to give each of the donors a score in relation to four questions covering their relationship with the donors. Results suggest that the modus operandi of donor 'A' allows it to be perceived as the 'best' partner, while 'B' was scored less favourably because of a perception that it attempts to act independently of existing structures in Nigeria rather than work through them. There was significant variation between diocese in this regard, as well as between the diocese and other structures of the Church (Provinces, Inter-Provinces and National Secretariat). Thus 'partnership' in the Catholic Church aid chain is a highly complex, contested and 'visioned' term and the development of an analytical framework has to take account of these fundamentals.
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The complaints on the adoption of Arabic by the Copts that are voiced by the Apocalypse of Pseudo-Samuel have often been quoted as the expiring words of the dying Coptic language. This article seeks to show that they are not to be taken so literally, and that they should rather be inserted in the context of a rift within the medieval Coptic church over the question of language choice, and beyond this, over that of accommodation with the Muslims. The use of Arabic by the episcopal church of Miṣr and by some prominent figures around it, which was linked to their proximity to the Fatimid court, was resented and denounced by more traditional circles, centred on the Patriarchate and on some important monasteries such as the one at Qalamūn where the Apocalypse was written. The suggestion is also made that the text is contemporary with the beginning of Coptic literary production in Arabic and with the introduction of Egyptian Christians at the caliphal court, namely in the last quarter of the tenth century, at the time of Severus ibn al-Muqqafa‘.
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Investigamos a resposta imunológica celular e humoral frente a extrato salino de tecido cerebral em 9 pacientes com síndrome de Lennox-Gastaut, 15 pacientes com síndrome de West e 20 crianças normais. A técnica de imunodifusão dupla em gel de agar (Ouchterlony) evidenciou em todos os pacientes, altos níveis de um anticorpo precipitante contra o extrato salino de tecido cerebral. O teste de inibição de migração de leucócitos com o mesmo antígeno mostrou-se positivo na maioria dos pacientes. O possível papel destas respostas autoimmunes na patogenia das sindromes de West e Lennox-Gastaut é discutido.
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The Serido Group is a deformed and metamorphosed metasedimentary sequence that overlies early Paleoproterozoic to Archean basement of the Rio Grande do Norte domain in the Borborema Province of NE Brazil. The age of the Serido Group has been disputed over the past two decades, with preferred sedimentation ages being either Paleoproterozoic or Neoproterozoic. Most samples of the Serido Formation, the upper part of the Serido Group, have Sm-Nd T-DM ages between 1200 and 1600 Ma. Most samples of the Jucurutu Formation, the lower part of the Serido Group, have T-DM ages ranging from 1500 to 1600 Ma; some basal units have T-DM ages as old as 2600 Ma, reflecting proximal basement. Thus, based on Sm-Nd data, most, if not all, of the Serido Group was deposited after 1600 Ma and upper parts must be younger than 1200 Ma.Cathodoluminescence photos of detrital zircons show very small to no overgrowths produced during ca. 600 Ma Brasiliano deformation and metamorphism, so that SHRIMP and isotope dilution U-Pb ages must represent crystallization ages of the detrital zircons. Zircons from meta-arkose near the base of the Jucurutu Formation yield two groups of ages: ca. 2200 Ma and ca. 1800 Ma. In contrast, zircons from a metasedimentary gneiss higher in the Jucurutu Formation yield much younger ages, with clusters at ca. 1000 Ma and ca. 650 Ma. Zircons from metasedimentary and metatuffaceous units in the Serido Formation also yield ages primarily between 1000 and 650 Ma, with clusters at 950-1000, 800, 750, and 650 Ma. Thus, most, if not all, of the Serido Group must be younger than 650 Ma. Because these units were deformed and metamorphosed in the ca. 600 Ma Brasiliano fold belt during assembly of West Gondwana, deposition probably occurred ca. 610-650 Ma, soon after crystallization of the youngest population of zircons and before or during the onset of Brasiliano deformation.The Serido Group was deposited upon Paleoproterozoic basement in a basin receiving detritus from a variety of sources. The Jucurutu Formation includes some basal volcanic rocks and initially received detritus from proximal 2.2-2.0 Ga (Transamazonian) to late Paleoproterozoic (1.8-1.7 Ga) basement. Provenance for the upper Jucurutu Formation and all of the Serido Formation was dominated by more distal and younger sources ranging in age from 1000 to 650 Ma. We suggest that the Serido basin may have developed as the result of late Neoproterozoic extension of a pre-existing continental basement, with formation of small marine basins that were largely floored by cratonic basement (subjacent oceanic crust has not yet been found). Immature sediment was initially derived from surrounding land; as the basin evolved much of the detritus probably came from highlands to the south (present coordinates). Alternatively, if the Patos shear zone is a major terrane boundary, the basin may have formed as an early collisional foredeep associated with south-dipping subduction. In any case, within 30 million years the region was compressed, deformed, and metamorphosed during final assembly of West Gondwana and formation of the Brasiliano-Pan African fold belts. (C) 2003 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
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Pós-graduação em História - FCHS
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The prime movers behind the prehistoric colonization of Remote Oceania, and in particular the large c. 2000-year temporal gap (i.e. long pause') seen between West and East Polynesia, has long been major point of interest in the Pacific. To address these events and the processes that may have led to the known chronological disparity of these diasporas, we present results from two different, but equally powerful, analytical tools which are used to examine Polynesian seafaring capabilities and trajectories. The first is a statistical model known as Seascape, which simulates voyages, while the second uses ease of eastward travel estimates based on land distribution and wind pattern analysis. These analyses were done with the goal of determining the potential role of environmental factors in the colonization process, particularly as they relate to the long pause. We show that the eastern boundary of West Polynesia, the limit of the initial colonization pulse, is marked by a discontinuity in land distribution, where the distances travelers would have to cross in order to reach islands further to the east become significantly larger. At the same time, in West Polynesia, the frequency and intensity of winds favorable to eastward displacement decrease continuously from west to east. As far as winds are concerned, eastward travel in West Polynesia is favored in the northern and southern areas and much more difficult across the central portion. Favorable winds have a clear seasonality, and eastward displacement along the northern area is much easier under El Nino conditions. Voyaging simulations show that intentional eastward voyages departing from Tonga and Samoa, when undertaken with vessels capable of sailing efficiently against the wind, afford a viable route toward several island groups in East Polynesia, with trips starting in Samoa having a higher probability of success.
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In 1948 much interest in trichinosis in arctic regions was aroused, particularly by the findings of Thorborg et al. (1948), who investigated serious outbreaks occurring among the Eskimo of West Greenland during 1947. Consequently, with the founding of the Arctic Health Research Center in the autumn of 1948, a study of trichinosis in Alaska was the first project to be initiated by the Zoonotic Disease Section (formerly Animal-borne Disease Section) of this Center. Field work was begun in January, 1949, and a preliminary note on trichinosis in Alaskan mammals was published by Brandly and Rausch (1950). The subject of trichinosis in arctic regions was reviewed by Connell (1949). The survey to determine the prevalence of T. spiralis in mammals in Alaska was terminated in the spring of 1953; this paper reports the results of this work.
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Through studying German, Polish and Czech publications on Silesia, Mr. Kamusella found that most of them, instead of trying to objectively analyse the past, are devoted to proving some essential "Germanness", "Polishness" or "Czechness" of this region. He believes that the terminology and thought-patterns of nationalist ideology are so deeply entrenched in the minds of researchers that they do not consider themselves nationalist. However, he notes that, due to the spread of the results of the latest studies on ethnicity/nationalism (by Gellner, Hobsbawm, Smith, Erikson Buillig, amongst others), German publications on Silesia have become quite objective since the 1980s, and the same process (impeded by under funding) has been taking place in Poland and the Czech Republic since 1989. His own research totals some 500 pages, in English, presented on disc. So what are the traps into which historians have been inclined to fall? There is a tendency for them to treat Silesia as an entity which has existed forever, though Mr. Kamusella points out that it emerged as a region only at the beginning of the 11th century. These same historians speak of Poles, Czechs and Germans in Silesia, though Mr. Kamusella found that before the mid-19th century, identification was with an inhabitant's local area, religion or dynasty. In fact, a German national identity started to be forged in Prussian Silesia only during the Liberation War against Napoleon (1813-1815). It was concretised in 1861 in the form of the first Prussian census, when the language a citizen spoke was equated with his/her nationality. A similar census was carried out in Austrian Silesia only in 1881. The censuses forced the Silesians to choose their nationality despite their multiethnic multicultural identities. It was the active promotion of a German identity in Prussian Silesia, and Vienna's uneasy acceptance of the national identities in Austrian Silesia which stimulated the development of Polish national, Moravian ethnic and Upper Silesian ethnic regional identities in Upper Silesia, and Polish national, Czech national, Moravian ethnic and Silesian ethnic identities in Austrian Silesia. While traditional historians speak of the "nationalist struggle" as though it were a permanent characteristic of Silesia, Mr. Kamusella points out that such a struggle only developed in earnest after 1918. What is more, he shows how it has been conveniently forgotten that, besides the national players, there were also significant ethnic movements of Moravians, Upper Silesians, Silesians and the tutejsi (i.e. those who still chose to identify with their locality). At this point Mr. Kamusella moves into the area of linguistics. While traditionally historians have spoken of the conflicts between the three national languages (German, Polish and Czech), Mr Kamusella reminds us that the standardised forms of these languages, which we choose to dub "national", were developed only in the mid-18th century, after 1869 (when Polish became the official language in Galicia), and after the 1870s (when Czech became the official language in Bohemia). As for standard German, it was only widely promoted in Silesia from the mid 19th century onwards. In fact, the majority of the population of Prussian Upper Silesia and Austrian Silesia were bi- or even multilingual. What is more, the "Polish" and "Czech" Silesians spoke were not the standard languages we know today, but a continuum of West-Slavic dialects in the countryside and a continuum of West-Slavic/German creoles in the urbanised areas. Such was the linguistic confusion that, from time to time, some ethnic/regional and Church activists strove to create a distinctive Upper Silesian/Silesian language on the basis of these dialects/creoles, but their efforts were thwarted by the staunch promotion of standard German, and after 1918, of standard Polish and Czech. Still on the subject of language, Mr. Kamusella draws attention to a problem around the issue of place names and personal names. Polish historians use current Polish versions of the Silesian place names, Czechs use current Polish/Czech versions of the place names, and Germans use the German versions which were in use in Silesia up to 1945. Mr. Kamusella attempted to avoid this, as he sees it, nationalist tendency, by using an appropriate version of a place name for a given period and providing its modern counterpart in parentheses. In the case of modern place names he gives the German version in parentheses. As for the name of historical figures, he strove to use the name entered on the birth certificate of the person involved, and by doing so avoid such confusion as, for instance, surrounds the Austrian Silesian pastor L.J. Sherschnik, who in German became Scherschnick, in Polish, Szersznik, and in Czech, Sersnik. Indeed, the prospective Silesian scholar should, Mr. Kamusella suggests, as well as the three languages directly involved in the area itself, know English and French, since many documents and books on the subject have been published in these languages, and even Latin, when dealing in depth with the period before the mid-19th century. Mr. Kamusella divides the policies of ethnic cleansing into two categories. The first he classifies as soft, meaning that policy is confined to the educational system, army, civil service and the church, and the aim is that everyone learn the language of the dominant group. The second is the group of hard policies, which amount to what is popularly labelled as ethnic cleansing. This category of policy aims at the total assimilation and/or physical liquidation of the non-dominant groups non-congruent with the ideal of homogeneity of a given nation-state. Mr. Kamusella found that soft policies were consciously and systematically employed by Prussia/Germany in Prussian Silesia from the 1860s to 1918, whereas in Austrian Silesia, Vienna quite inconsistently dabbled in them from the 1880s to 1917. In the inter-war period, the emergence of the nation-states of Poland and Czechoslovakia led to full employment of the soft policies and partial employment of the hard ones (curbed by the League of Nations minorities protection system) in Czechoslovakian Silesia, German Upper Silesia and the Polish parts of Upper and Austrian Silesia. In 1939-1945, Berlin started consistently using all the "hard" methods to homogenise Polish and Czechoslovakian Silesia which fell, in their entirety, within the Reich's borders. After World War II Czechoslovakia regained its prewar part of Silesia while Poland was given its prewar section plus almost the whole of the prewar German province. Subsequently, with the active involvement and support of the Soviet Union, Warsaw and Prague expelled the majority of Germans from Silesia in 1945-1948 (there were also instances of the Poles expelling Upper Silesian Czechs/Moravians, and of the Czechs expelling Czech Silesian Poles/pro-Polish Silesians). During the period of communist rule, the same two countries carried out a thorough Polonisation and Czechisation of Silesia, submerging this region into a new, non-historically based administrative division. Democratisation in the wake of the fall of communism, and a gradual retreat from the nationalist ideal of the homogeneous nation-state with a view to possible membership of the European Union, caused the abolition of the "hard" policies and phasing out of the "soft" ones. Consequently, limited revivals of various ethnic/national minorities have been observed in Czech and Polish Silesia, whereas Silesian regionalism has become popular in the westernmost part of Silesia which remained part of Germany. Mr. Kamusella believes it is possible that, with the overcoming of the nation-state discourse in European politics, when the expression of multiethnicity and multilingualism has become the cause of the day in Silesia, regionalism will hold sway in this region, uniting its ethnically/nationally variegated population in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity championed by the European Union.
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Additions of nitrogen (N) have been shown to alter species diversity of plant communities, with most experimental studies having been carried out in communities dominated by herbaceous species. We examined seasonal and inter-annual patterns of change in the herbaceous layer of two watersheds of a central Appalachian hardwood forest that differed in experimental treatment. This study was carried out at the Fernow Experimental Forest, West Virginia, using two adjacent watersheds: WS4 (mature, second-growth hardwood stand, untreated reference), and WS3. Seven circular 0.04-ha sample plots were established in eachwatershed to represent its full range of elevation and slope aspect. The herbaceous layer was sampled by identifying and visually estimating cover (%) of all vascular plants. Sampling was carried out in mid-July of 1991 and repeated at approximately the same time in 1992. In 1994, these same plots were sampled each month fromMay to October. Seasonal patterns of herb layer dynamics were assessed for the complete 1994 data set, whereasinter-annual variability was based on plot data from 1991, 1992, and the July sample of 1994. There were nosignificant differences between watersheds for any sample year for any of the other herb layer characteristics measured, including herb layer cover, species richness, evenness, and diversity. Cover on WS4 decreased significantly from 1991 to 1992, followed by no change to 1994. By contrast, herb layer cover did not varysignificantly across years on WS3. Cover of the herbaceous layer of both watersheds increased from early in the growing season to the middle of the growing season, decreasing thereafter, with no significant differencesbetween WS3 and WS4 for any of the monthly cover means in 1994. Similar seasonal patterns found for herblayer cover—and lack of significant differences between watersheds—were also evident for species diversityand richness. By contrast, there was little seasonal change in herb layer species evenness, which was nearlyidentical between watersheds for all months except October. Seasonal patterns for individual species/speciesgroups were closely similar between watersheds, especially for Viola rotundifolia and Viola spp. Species richnessand species diversity were linearly related to herb layer cover for both WS3 and WS4, suggesting that spatialand temporal increases in cover were more related to recruitment of herb layer species than to growth of existingspecies. Results of this study indicate that there have been negligible responses of the herb layer to 6 yr of additions to WS3.
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Clearcutting is a common harvesting practice in many eastern hardwood forests. Among the vegetation strata of these forests, the herbaceous layer is potentially the most sensitive in its response to harvest-mediated disturbances and has the highest species diversity. Thus, it is important to understand the response of herbaceous layer diversity to forest harvesting. Previous work on clearcut and mature stands at the Fernow Experimental Forest (FEF), West Virginia, has shown that, although, harvesting did not alter appreciably herbaceous layer cover, it influenced the relationship of cover to biotic and abiotic factors, such as tree density and soil nutrients, respectively. The purpose of this study was to examine the response of species diversity of the herbaceous layer to harvesting at FEF. Fifteen circular, 0.04 ha sample plots were established in each of four watersheds (60 plots in total) representing two stand age categories: two watersheds with 20 years even-age stands following clearcutting and two watersheds with mature second growth stands. All woody stems ≥2.5 cm diameter at breast height were identified, tallied, and measured for diameter. The herbaceous layer was sampled by identifying all vascular plants ≤1 m in height and estimating cover for each species in each of 10 (1 m2) circular sub-plots per sample plot (600 sub-plots total). Species diversity for each plot was calculated from herbaceous layer data using the ln-based Shannon Index (H′) equation. Ten stand and soil variables also were measured on each plot. Mean herbaceous layer cover for clearcut versus mature stands was 27.2±14.3% versus 20.2±8.1% (P>0.05), respectively and mean H′ was 1.67±0.42 versus 1.55±0.48 (P>0.05), respectively. Herbaceous layer diversity was negatively correlated with cation exchange capacity and extractable Ca and Mg in the mineral soil in clearcut stands. In contrast, herbaceous layer diversity was positively correlated with soil organic matter and clay content. Although, 20 years of recovery after clearcutting did not have significant effects on the species diversity of the herbaceous layer when examining stand age means alone, harvesting did appear to influence the spatial relationships between herbaceous layer diversity and biotic factors (e.g. tree density) and abiotic factors (e.g. soil nutrients).