852 resultados para Civil War Guatemala


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This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map: Map of the country between Monterey, Tenn. & Corinth, Miss. : showing the lines of entrenchments made & the routes followed by the U.S. forces under the command of Maj. Genl. Halleck, U.S. Army, in their advance upon Corinth in May 1862, surveyed under the direction of Col. Geo. Thom, A.D.C. & Chief of Topl. Engrs., Dept. of the Mississippi ; by Lieuts. Fred. Schraag and C.L. Spangenberg, Asst. Topl. Engrs. ; drawn by Lieut. Otto H. Matz, Asst. Topl. Engr. It was printed by Lith. of J. Bien, 1862. Scale [1:31,680]. Covers Corinth, Mississippi region including portions of Alcorn County, Mississippi and McNairy County, Tennessee. The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the Universal Transverse Mercator projection (WGS 1984 UTM Zone 16N). All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows features such as houses, names of residents, fences, roads, railroads, vegetation, fields, drainage, Union and Confederate entrenchments, and more. Relief shown by hachures. This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps of the Civil War from the Harvard Map Collection. Many items from this selection are from a collection of maps deposited by the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States Commandery of the State of Massachusetts (MOLLUS) in the Harvard Map Collection in 1938. These maps typically portray both natural and manmade features, in particular showing places of military importance. The selection represents a range of regions, originators, ground condition dates, scales, and purposes.

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This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map entitled: Topographical map of the original District of Columbia and environs showing the fortifications around the city of Washington, by E.G. Arnold C.E. It was published by G. Woolworth Colton in 1862. Scale [ca. 1:31,680]. Covers also adjacent portions of Virginia and Maryland. The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the Maryland State Plane Coordinate System Meters NAD83 (Fipszone 1900). All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, index maps, legends, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows features such as roads, railroads, bridges, canals, drainage, cities and towns, forts, selected public buildings and places of interest, hospitals, schools, Washington, D.C. school districts, selected private residences with names of landowners, and more. Relief is shown by hachures. Includes text and population tables. This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps from The Harvard Map Collection as part of the Imaging the Urban Environment project. Maps selected for this project represent major urban areas and cities of the world, at various time periods. These maps typically portray both natural and manmade features at a large scale. The selection represents a range of regions, originators, ground condition dates, scales, and purposes.

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This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic, paper manuscript map entitled: Map of country between the N.E. Cape-Fear River and Topsail sound, made under the direction of Capt. Wm. H. James, Chf. Engineer, by B.L. Blackford, Top. Engrs. It was drawn in 1865. Scale 1:40,000. The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the North Carolina State Plane NAD 1983 coordinate system (in Meters) (Fipszone 3200). All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, index maps, legends, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows features such as roads, railroads, bridges, drainage, troop camps, lines of defense, selected buildings with names of landowners, mills and salt works, ground cover, swamps, and more. Relief shown by hachures. Includes also ill. of Confederate soldier with a plane table and Confederate flag, at left within margin. This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps of the Civil War from the Harvard Map Collection. Many items from this selection are from a collection of maps deposited by the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States Commandery of the State of Massachusetts (MOLLUS) in the Harvard Map Collection in 1938. These maps typically portray both natural and manmade features, in particular showing places of military importance. The selection represents a range of regions, originators, ground condition dates, scales, and purposes.

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Esta tese tem como objectivo, de um modo geral, analisar o impacto social, político e até mesmo civilizacional, que levaria ao clima de guerra civil que assolou a Península Ibérica muçulmana no século IX. De um modo mais restrito, analisaremos estes acontecimentos a partir de um dos seus personagens principais, ‘Abd ar-Rahman Ibn Marwan al-Jilliqi, a figura-chave desta dissertação. Como referência, temos o estudo de Manuel Acién Almansa sobre a mesma temática, Entre el Feudalismo y Islam; ‘Umar ibn Hafsun en las Fuentes y Historiografia, partindo de um outro personagem central da fitna: ‘Umar ibn Hafsun. Para além da obra de M. Acién, também consideramos o estudo de Jesus Lorenzo Jimenez, La Dawla de los Banu Qasi, uma dawla de grande protagonismo em toda a fitna. A proposta será analisar o caso de Ibn Marwan à luz dos mesmos problemas elencados por estes dois académicos, mas tendo como cenário o Gharb. Estabelecemos assim um ponto de partida para problematizar dentro da questão social ocidental e oriental, a que pertinentemente M. Acién acrescenta uma outra: a islâmica.

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As the stalemate in Syria drags on, territorial divisions in the country are becoming more entrenched and the civil war is spreading to Syria’s neighbours; aggravating long-standing sectarian divisions in the whole region. In the view of Steven Blockmans, a lasting agreement cannot be reached in the Middle East if world powers stick to infamous 1916 Sykes-Picot Agreement in which France and the UK secretly dealt with what came to be called the ‘Syria Question’. Any way out of the quagmire will require a grand bargain – one that establishes a new order in the whole region and draws borders accordingly.

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The political crisis in Ukraine, particularly the bloodshed seen on 18–20 February and the subsequent Russian intervention in Crimea, has sparked fears of another possible wave of immigrants heading to the EU. However, the country was partially politically stabilised (at least in its central and western parts), and this has made the scenario of a mass migration of people from Ukraine rather unlikely. If there is no civil war in Ukraine, any further development of the political situation in Ukraine may have only an indirect impact on the actual migration. Should the political instability continue, the Ukrainian economy remain in recession while jobs are available for Ukrainian immigrants in the EU, then an increase in the migration of Ukrainian citizens to the EU, including Poland, would be possible. In the short term there may be two characteristic groups of immigrants: (1) young people who will attempt to leave Ukraine for good due to the lack of job opportunities; (2) circulating migrants, mainly from western Ukraine, who will be looking for temporary jobs. Only if the economic downturn trend and political turmoil in Ukraine continues for a longer time, will settlement migration increase.

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The Armed Forces of the Russian Federation have been more active than usual since mid- -February this year, holding a number of previously unannounced military exercises aimed at testing combat readiness. They have also maintained, for many months, a Russian warship task force in the Mediterranean in connection with the civil war in Syria. Those activities stand out of the usual training routine of the Russian army. They have no precedent in Russia’s recent history in terms of the size of the forces involved, the measures employed, the territorial span, the number of exercises, or the scheduling and mode of carrying out the drills. The last combat-readiness tests on this scale were carried out by the Soviet army in the 1980s. The intensity of the Russian Navy’s activities in the Mediterranean and the military means engaged are comparable, in due proportion, with the activities of the Soviet fleet during the Vietnam war. The Russian leadership, including president Vladimir Putin, has been directly following the recent activities of the Russian Armed Forces and their evolution.

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Kazakhstan: Kazakhstan can boast economic development like no other country in Central Asia. In contrast to other countries of the region, which have rich natural resources, Kazakhstan has managed to use its economic potential in a way that yields concrete benefits now and, at the same time, creates prospects for further sustainable economic growth. Tajikistan: Tajikistan in its present state has been built on the civil war experiences and provisions of the peace accords signed in 1997. These have had a great impact on the present form of the state, its political scene and power mechanisms. President Emomali Rakhmonov is the central figure in the state. The political system, which he has cocreated, is based on - unique in this region - political pluralism (the existence of the Islamic party), decentralisation (far-going independence of the regions and relatively limited potential of the central structures) and compromise as the basic way of resolving conflicts. Such a system has so far guaranteed stabilisation and normalisation of the country. Uzbekistan: With its geographic location, potential, ambitions and political priorities, Uzbekistan could play a leading role in Central Asia. The international community has perceived the country as the pillar of stability in the region. This perception was further reinforced after 11th September 2001 and was certainly among the factors that inspired the United States to start closer political and military cooperation with Tashkent. The administration in Washington had expected that closer contacts might galvanise political, economic and social change in Uzbekistan, thus reinforcing positive trends in other countries of the region as well. But the relations between Washington and Tashkent are in crisis (which the United States will certainly try to overcome), and we have seen rapprochement between Uzbekistan and Russia and China.

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After a year of focusing on the nuclear deal with Iran, international diplomacy is returning to consider resolution of the civil war in Syria, with each side now a little less firm in their positions as the situation on the ground deteriorates further. In this new CEPS Commentary Steven Blockmans sheds light on the highly complex and volatile environment in the Middle East, concluding that failure to seize the new diplomatic momentum to resolve this conflict will likely mean that Syria falls into the hands of IS.

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More than three years after al-Gaddafi was overthrown, Libya has still not returned to some semblance of normality. In many places, the Libyan state exists only on paper. No less than two governments and dozens of rival tribes, all with their own militias and armed to the teeth, are trying to come to power. In the midst of this chaos “IS,” the terrorist organization, has now entered the fray. Evidence of this is provided by the brutal murder of 21 Egyptian Copts, which could trigger off a civil war that will pose a threat to the entire region and to Europe. Mirco Keilberth, an expert on Libya, explains what is going on.

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In the context of the civil war in Syria, Turkey has been accused of intense co-operation with Islamic State. The accusations have been coming for some time from the West, and also from the Turkish opposition and the Kurds. The Russian government has also joined in the accusations over the past few months.

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The establishment of the Basque diaspora in Latin America can be divided in several different periods. First, from the 16th to 18th century, the so-called original diaspora of Basques who were part of the Spanish colonial regime. The second can be traced to the 19th century, consisting of a mixture of impoverished Basque migrants seeking jobs, especially in Uruguay and Argentina, and of refugees fleeing from the Spanish War of Independence and the Carlist wars. The third wave is identified by, but not only through, the considerable amount of refugees from the Spanish Civil War on the 1930's. The fourth wave came during the 1970s, with refugees from the Franco Dictatorship, ETA members and sympathisers. In this paper I will argue that each new wave of migrants brought tension to the diaspora, with the Euskal Etxeak, or ‘Basque houses’, as a focus point. The main idea is to analyse the different tensions and political discussions of this set of diasporic waves in Latin America.

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A lo largo de los últimos años, la expresión "memoria histórica" resulta omnipresente en el discurso político, social y cultural europeo. Cuando, en el caso de España, se menciona la "memoria histórica" los acontecimientos a que se refiere en la mayoría de los casos son la Guerra Civil (1936-1939) y el Franquismo (1939-1975), acontecimientos cuya memoria nunca pierde su actualidad y necesidad. A partir del año 2000 se inició la apertura pública al pasado oculto y reprimido que lleva consigo la liberación de los recuerdos que habían permanecido marginados e ignorados hasta ahora. La obra del autor gallego Manuel Rivas forma parte de este proceso de recuperación de la memoria histórica y pone su enfoque, precisamente, en ese pasado incómodo que tantos años ha permanecido oculto para contribuir a la reivindicación de la memoria de las víctimas de la represión franquista. En Os libros arden mal (2006), Manuel Rivas ofrece un panorama complejo y diverso del pasado traumático. A través de la confrontación de diferentes comunidades de memoria -en muchos casos antagonistas- elabora la historia vivida por los ciudadanos coruñeses. Con referencia a los conceptos correspondientes a la memoria colectiva desarrollada en las Ciencias Sociales y Culturales, este artículo tiene la intención de estudiar la memoria de la Guerra Civil y el Franquismo a partir del análisis de una de las familias retratadas en la novela.

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A partir de tres ejemplos, En salvaje compañía (1994), El lápiz del carpintero (1998) y Los libros arden mal (2006), esta contribución pretende determinar la función de 'lo fantástico' en las novelas de Manuel Rivas, con respecto a la memoria cultural de un evento traumático como la Guerra Civil y el franquismo. La argumentación parte de la hipótesis de que lo 'real maravilloso gallego' ofrece una estruc-tura particularmente apta para hablar de la Guerra Civil al darles a los muertos un espació ficticio de acción.

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Este trabajo analiza la forma en que se desarrolla un traspaso de la experiencia del pasado traumático en dos textos de Manuel Rivas en los que adquiere gran protagonismo el discurso oral. La Guerra Civil española y sus consecuencias son incorporadas a la narrativa de Os libros arden mal y As voces baixas con especial énfasis en las generaciones que no vivieron esos años. Las convergencias entre oralidad y escritura resultan un terreno fértil para considerar la inclusión de voces largamente postergadas debido a silencios impuestos y a la represión de verdades que tardaron en visibilizarse.