939 resultados para Accountability


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The Paternal Adjustment and Paternal Attitudes Questionnaire (PAPA) was designed to assess paternal adjustment and paternal attitudes during the transition to parenthood. This study aimed to examine the psychometric characteristics of the Portuguese versions of the PAPA-Antenatal (PAPA-AN) and -Postnatal (PAPA-PN) versions. A nonclinical sample of 128 fathers was recruited in the obstetrics outpatient unit, and they completed both versions of the PAPA and selfreport measures of depressive and anxiety symptoms during pregnancy and the postpartum period, respectively. Good internal consistency for both PAPA-AN and PAPA-PN was found. A three-factor model was found for both versions of the instrument. Longitudinal confirmatory factor analysis revealed a good model fit. The PAPA-AN and PAPA-PN subscales revealed good internal consistency. Significant associations were found between PAPA (PAPA-AN and PAPA-PN) and depressive and anxiety symptoms, suggesting good criterion validity. Both versions also showed good clinical validity, with optimal cutoffs found. The present study suggested that the Portuguese versions of the PAPA are reliable multidimensional self-report measures of paternal adjustment and paternal attitudes that could be used to identify fathers with adjustment problems and negative attitudes during the transition to parenthood.

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Introduction. Decision-making on embryo disposition is a source of distress and is subject to change over time. This paper analyses the willingness of couples undergoing in vitro fertilization to donate cryopreserved embryos for research from 15 days after embryo transfer to 12 months later, taking into account the influence of psychosocial, demographic, and reproductive factors. Materials and methods. Prospective longitudinal study, with 74 heterosexual couples undergoing in vitro fertilization in a public fertility centre in Portugal, recruited between 2011 and 2012. Participants were evaluated twice: 15 days after embryo transfer and 12 months later. Results. A significant decrease in patients’ willingness to donate embryos for research over time was observed [86.5% to 73.6%; relative risk (RR) = 0.85; 95% CI 0.76–0.95]. A higher education level (>12 years) [adjusted RR (RRadj) = 0.79; 95% CI 0.64–0.96], considering research on human embryos to be important (vs. very important) (RRadj = 0.59; 95% CI 0.39–0.85) and practicing a religion less than once a month (vs. at least once a month) (RRadj = 0.73; 95% CI 0.53–1.00) seemed associated with unwillingness to donate embryos for research over time. Change towards non-donation happened mainly among couples who first considered that it was better to donate than wasting the embryos. Change towards donation occurred mostly among those stating that their priority at time 1 was to have a baby and who became pregnant in the meantime. Conclusions. Quality of care guided by patients’ characteristics, values, preferences, and needs calls for considering the factors and reasons underlying couples’ willingness to donate embryos for research over time as a topic in psychosocial guidelines for infertility and medically assisted reproductive care.

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Background: Systematic knowledge on the factors that influence the decisions of IVF users regarding embryo donation for research is a core need for patient-centred policies and ethics in clinical practice. However, no systematic review has been provided on the motivations of patients who must decide embryo disposition. This paper fills this gap, presenting a systematic review of quantitative and qualitative studies, which synthesizes the current body of knowledge on the factors and reasons associated with IVF patients’ decisions to donate or not to donate embryos for research. Methods: A systematic search of studies indexed in PubMed, ISIWoK and PsycINFO, published before November 2013, was conducted. Only empirical, peer-reviewed, full-length, original studies reporting data on factors and reasons associated with the decision concerning donation or non-donation of embryos for research were included. Eligibility and data extraction were performed by two independent researchers and disagreements were resolved by discussion or a third reviewer, if required. The main quantitative findings were extracted and synthesized and qualitative data were assessed by thematic content analysis. Results: A total of 39 studies met the inclusion criteria and were included in the review. More than half of the studies (n ¼ 21) used a quantitative methodology, and the remaining were qualitative (n ¼ 15) or mixed-methods (n ¼ 3) studies. The studies were derived mainly from European countries (n ¼ 18) and the USA(n ¼ 11). The proportion of IVF users who donated embryos for research varied from 7% in a study in France to 73% in a Swiss study. Those who donate embryos for research reported feelings of reciprocity towards science and medicine, positive views of research and high levels of trust in the medical system. They described their decision as better than the destruction of embryos and as an opportunity to help others or to improve health and IVF treatments. The perception of risks, the lack of information concerning research projects and the medical system and the conceptualization of embryos in terms of personhood were the most relevant motives for not donating embryos for research. Results relating to the influence of sociodemographic characteristics and reproductive and gynaecological history were mostly inconclusive. Conclusions: Three iterative and dynamic dimensions of the IVF patients’ decision to donate or not to donate embryos for research emerged from this review: the hierarquization of the possible options regarding embryo disposition, according to the moral, social and instrumental status attributed to embryos; patients’ understanding of expectations and risks of the research on human embryos; and patients’ experiences of information exchange and levels of trust in the medical-scientific institutions.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em Gestão e Políticas Públicas

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Dissertação de Mestrado em Políticas Desenvolvimento dos Recursos Humanos

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El problema que enfrenta la institucionalidad estatal argentina es que existe un serio déficit de información no solamente en el momento de evaluar un resultado, sino ya al momento de diseñar la política. Las estadísticas oficiales de hechos vitales, salud y educación son difundidas en el mejor de los casos con un año de atraso. La información de indicadores de salud por su nivel de desagregación no permite conocer las realidades locales. Es posible constatar la falta de información sobre las medidas tomadas para asegurar el cumplimiento de las obligaciones del Estado en lo relativo a políticas y programas de salud mental. Del mismo modo que los organismos internacionales determinan los deficits de los sistemas de atención a la salud mental a través de las brechas de tratamiento y aun cuando no se dispone de estimaciones precisas se habla de brechas de información, que expresarían la distancia entre la información necesaria y la efectivamente disponible (OPS, 2009). Desde el mes de diciembre de 2007 se conforma la Mesa de Trabajo Permanente en Salud Mental y Derechos Humanos, con el objeto de instalar en agenda la necesidad de contar con una legislación que brinde el marco normativo para la transformación del sector. En los meses de octubre y noviembre de 2010 se aprobaron sendas leyes de salud mental en la Provincia de Córdoba y a nivel nacional. Ambas proponen la transformación progresiva en los sistemas de atención a los problemas de salud mental de la población. Desde la Mesa de Trabajo Permanente en Salud Mental y Derechos Humanos se afirma que la legislación es un marco necesario pero no suficiente, en tanto se constata que las princiales violaciones a los derechos humanos se producen en situaciones concretas. El presente proyecto nace de la necesidad de contar con un sistema de información que permita conocer la transformación de los servicios de salud mental en la provincia de Córdoba a partir de la sanción de la ley 9848 de Salud Mental en el mes de octubre de 2010. Una vez logrado este objetivo legislativo, se pretende monitorear la gestión con la formulación de los siguientes interrogantes: ¿a través de qué indicadores medir, evaluar y monitorear si la producción de los servicios de salud mental se lleva adelante desde la perspectiva del enfoque de derechos sancionada en el marco normativo vigente?; ¿cuáles son los indicadores que desde dicha perspectiva los organismos estatales de producción de servicios deben elaborar para el compromiso de acción y la rendición de cuentas frente a la ciudadanía? ¿cuáles son los indicadores que la ciudadanía debe reclamar a los fines de monitorear el cumplimiento de dichos compromisos? La puesta en marcha del Observatorio de Salud Mental y Derechos Humanos permitirá analizar las políticas y programas de salud mental desde la perspectiva de los derechos humanos y avanzar en el monitoreo de la producción de los servicios de salud mental. Objetivo General: analizar y hacer visible el cumplimiento de los objetivos sancionados en la ley 9848 de Salud Mental a través de la observación, el monitoreo y la incidencia en las políticas de salud mental de la provincia de Córdoba. Metodología: la construcción de indicadores de derechos humanos para la salud mental. El Observatorio de Salud Mental y Derechos Humanos pretende dar cuenta de las transformaciones que van a ocurrir a partir de la sanción de la ley 9848. Los resultados esperados están ligados a la producción y difusión de información sistematizada sobre las transformaciones en salud mental, a la vigilancia y el análisis del efecto/impacto de las políticas e incidir en las decisiones. El Observatorio pretende reconocer e integrar la información disponible y proponer indicadores que den cuenta de la situación inicial al momento de la implementación de los marcos normativos y permitir el monitoreo de las transformaciones emergentes. This project stems from the need for an information system designed to show the transformation of mental health services in the province of Cordoba after the enactment of the Mental Health Act 9848 in October 2010. Once achieved this legislative objective is to monitor the management with the formulation of the following questions: through which indicators to measure, evaluate and monitor whether the production of mental health services are carried forward from the perspective of rights-based approach enacted in two laws?, What are the indicators from that perspective the production agencies should develop services for the commitment to action and accountability to the public? What are the indicators that the public should demand that the purpose of monitoring compliance with these commitments? The launch of the Centre for Mental Health and Human Rights will review the policies and mental health programs from the perspective of human rights and progress in monitoring the production of mental health services. General Objective: to analyze and highlight the achievement of the objectives sanctioned by the Mental Health Act 9848 through the observation, monitoring and impact on mental health policy in the province of Cordoba. Methodology: building human rights indicators for mental health Mental Observatory Health and Human Rights aims to account for the changes that will occur after the enactment of Law 9848. The expected results are linked to production and dissemination of systematic information about changes in mental health, surveillance and analysis of the effect / impact and influence policy decisions. The Centre aims to recognize and integrate the available information and propose indicators that account for the initial situation at the time of implementation of regulatory frameworks and allow monitoring of change emerging.

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En el contexto de profundización democrática de los últimos 30 años en América Latina, adquieren cada vez mayor relevancia las instituciones políticas de la democracia. Entre estas, las elecciones periódicas y libres tienen una importancia crucial como mecanismo agregador de las preferencias individuales y como mecanismo disciplinador de los representantes electos (mecanismo de accountability). El financiamiento de campañas electorales puede, sin embargo, introducir distorsiones significativas que tengan efectos sobre quienes efectivamente resultan electos y sobre el grado de competencia electoral efectivo. Intereses especiales y sectoriales juegan un rol clave en este proceso por cuanto sus motivaciones para contribuir a las campañas partidarias frecuentemente son lobbísticas y no ideológicas. De este modo, la elección de políticas por parte de los representantes electos puede estar condicionada a los intereses sectoriales y no reflejar los intereses generales, generando y/o profundizando asimetrías socio-económicas. El objetivo general de esta investigación es contribuir al estudio teórico y empírico de la relación entre dinero y política en el caso de Argentina. Más concretamente, se investiga la relación entre el financiamiento de campañas, los resultados electorales y la elección de políticas para el período 2003-2011. Estudiar estas relaciones involucra examinar los efectos políticos --resultados electorales- y económicos --elección de políticas- asociados. Utilizando una novedosa base de micro-datos, podemos analizar estas relaciones y adicionalmente las implicancias que los cambios en el diseño institucional poseen sobre aquellas variables. Finalmente, se avanzará en la construcción de modelos que tengan en cuenta la interdependencia entre las variables. Este proyecto constituye el primer intento de abordar la relación entre el dinero y la política a través del estudio del financiamiento de campañas electorales desde un enfoque teórico-empírico exhaustivo. Las contribuciones originales previstas son: la formulación de un modelo teórico de economía-política que intenta explicar las relaciones y los canales entre el financiamiento de campañas políticas, los resultados electorales y la elección de políticas; el estudio de la relación empírica entre estas tres variables nterdependientes usando una base de datos única en su tipo; un avance en relación al impacto de las reformas institucionales sobre los resultados políticos y económicos.

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L'objectif de la thèse est de rendre compte d'une pratique langagière particulière, le débat, et d'opérer ce travail à la fois à un niveau théorique - en tant qu'analyser la pratique du débat pose certaines questions aux sciences du langage - et à un niveau pratique - dans la mesure où la spécificité du débat repose sur certains observables qu'il s'agit d'identifier et de décrire et qui permettent à chacun de distinguer le débat d'autres formes de comportement, telles que l'anecdote, la dispute ou encore la réunion de travail.¦La thèse part du constat que la pratique du débat constitue un fait social attesté et reconnaissable comme tel, et ce aussi bien par les agents qui s'engagent dans son accomplissement que par un observateur externe. Le fait qu'aucune règle ne vienne pour autant décrire «ce qui fait débat» plaide pour l'adoption d'une perspective ethnométhodologique, sensible à la manière dont les agents pourvoient eux-mêmes, en agissant de façon méthodique et routinière, à la reconnaissabilité (accountability) des pratiques dans lesquelles ils s'engagent.¦La thèse questionne le caractère reconnaissable de la pratique du débat à partir de données originales. Le corpus est constitué de huit événements publics s'étant déroulés à l'Université de Lausanne et ayant été vidéo-enregistrés pour l'occasion. Ces rencontres ne relèvent donc pas d'événements télédiffusés, par exemple des débats de sociétés organisés par des chaînes de télévision. Il s'agit de confrontations verbales (de types « débats publics » ou « conférence-discussion ») où tous les participants, public compris, sont réunis en un même lieu et dans une même tranche temporelle.¦La thèse organise la réflexion en trois parties. Intitulée la parole en interaction médiatisée, la première partie est consacrée à la présentation et à la problématisation, grâce à divers extraits du corpus, des différentes dimensions analytiques mobilisées. Par l'articulation d'acquis en linguistique textuelle et énonciative et en analyse conversationnelle, il s'agit d'étudier la matérialité signifiante des actions verbales en lien avec les dynamiques discursives et interactionnelles dans lesquelles cette matérialité s'inscrit et prend sens. En d'autres termes, on considère la manière dont les unités linguistiques participent à l'accomplissement d'activités pratiques et les pressions que ces activités pratiques sont susceptibles d'exercer sur l'usage de ces unités. L'analyse du débat est en outre inscrite dans une approche multimodale des pratiques, qui entend dépasser l'analyse de la seule verbalité pour donner une place aux ressources corporelles, qu'il s'agisse de gestes, de mimiques ou de la répartition des participants dans l'espace.¦Une fois les différentes dimensions analytiques posées, les deux autres parties examinent chacune une composante - autrement dit un observable - qui spécifie le débat en tant que pratique langagière particulière. Mobilisant une approche dialogale de la pratique de l 'argumentation, la deuxième partie entend montrer que le débat gagne à être abordé comme un mode particulier de gestion du désaccord, fondé sur l'usage de ressources argumentatives. La troisième partie s'intéresse finalement à la problématique de l'inscription de l'identité dans le langage et dans l'interaction et considère la manière dont les traits identitaires que les agents s'attribuent, respectivement ou réciproquement, lorsqu'ils s'engagent dans un débat, participent à assurer le caractère reconnaissable de cette pratique.

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ABSTRACT: In order to evaluate the one-year evolution of web-based information on alcohol dependence, we re-assessed alcohol-related sites in July 2007 with the same evaluating tool that had been used to assess these sites in June 2006. Websites were assessed with a standardized form designed to rate sites on the basis of accountability, presentation, interactivity, readability, and content quality. The DISCERN scale was also used, which aimed to assist persons without content expertise in assessing the quality of written health publications. Scores were highly stable for all components of the form one year later (r = .77 to .95, p < .01). Analysis of variance for repeated measures showed no time effect, no interaction between time and scale, no interaction between time and group (affiliation categories), and no interaction between time, group, and scale. The study highlights lack of change of alcohol-dependence-related web pages across one year.

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For the last two decades, the primary instruments for UK regional policy have been discretionary subsidies. Such aid is targeted at “additional” projects - projects that would not have been implemented without the subsidy - and the subsidy should be the minimum necessary for the project to proceed. Discretionary subsidies are thought to be more efficient than automatic subsidies, where many of the aided projects are non-additional and all projects receive the same subsidy rate. The present paper builds on Swales (1995) and Wren (2007a) to compare three subsidy schemes: an automatic scheme and two types of discretionary scheme, one with accurate appraisal and the other with appraisal error. These schemes are assessed on their expected welfare impacts. The particular focus is the reduction in welfare gain imposed by the interaction of appraisal error and the requirements for accountability. This is substantial and difficult to detect with conventional evaluation techniques.

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The paper uses a regional input-output (IO) framework and data derived on waste generation by industry to examine regional accountability for waste generation. In addition to estimating a series of industry output-waste coefficients, the paper considers two methods for waste attribution but focuses first on one (trade endogenised linear attribution system (TELAS)) that permits a greater focus on private and public final consumption as the main exogenous driver of waste generation. Second, the paper uses a domestic technology assumption (DTA) to consider a regional ‘waste footprint’ where local consumption requirements are assumed to be met through domestic production.

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Despite increased public interest, policymakers have been slow to enact targets based on limiting emissions under full consumption accounting measures (such as carbon footprints). This paper argues that this may be due to the fact that policymakers in one jurisdiction do not have control over production technologies used in other jurisdictions. The paper uses a regional input-output framework and data derived on carbon dioxide emissions by industry (and households) to examine regional accountability for emissions generation. In doing so, we consider two accounting methods that permit greater accountability of regional private and public (household and government) final consumption as the main driver of regional emissions generation, while retaining focus on the local production technology and consumption decisions that fall under the jurisdiction of regional policymakers. We propose that these methods permit an attribution of emissions generation that is likely to be of more use to regional policymakers than a full global footprint analysis.

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I model the link between political regime and level of diversification following a windfall of natural resource revenues. The explanatory variables I make use of are the political support functions embedded within each type of regime and the disparate levels of discretion, openness, transparency, and accountability of government. I show that a democratic government seeks to maximize the long-term consumption path of the representative consumer, in order to maximize its chances of re-election, while an authoritarian government, in the absence of any electoral mechanism of accountability, seeks to buy off and entrench a group of special interests loyal to the government and potent enough to ensure its short-term survival. Essentially the contrast in the approaches towards resource rent distribution comes down to a variation in political weights on aggregate welfare and rentierist special interests endogenized by distinct political support functions.

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The Barcelona Forum aimed to generate both a theoretical and practical discussion on decentralized governance and its capacity to promote peace, prevent conflict, advance human security and ensure greater governmental accountability. The Forum intended to review the theoretical strength of decentralization as a political tool and discuss how it can be properly implemented. Eight case studies were selected to be covered during the two days in order to draw conclusions and offer proposals for the future implementation of decentralization. The case of Catalonia and the decentralized experience of Spain was given special attention, as an example of successful decentralization. The other cases presented achievements and challenges and prompted discussions on both the validity and universality of decentralization as a way to promote and preserve peace. Topics such as ethnic and territorial divisions, democratic accountability, financial decentralization and distribution, resource sharing, and external implementation of decentralization through peace processes were discussed.