981 resultados para 140211 Labour Economics


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This paper analyses learning and implementation of labour market reforms in Switzerland.

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The evaluation of the competences acquired by the students in the context of a university education system is needed to enable professors to develop teaching-learning processes tailored to students" needs. The main goal of this paper is to analyze in depth the profile of the acquired competences of the bachelor students in Business Administration subjects. In that sense, this paper explains an experience in assessing bachelor student"s competences by applying an ICT-based digital platform designed for the selfassessment of personal and social competences. In particular, we apply an evaluation tool which was specifically designed for self-evaluating the project managers" generic and specific competences. The authors of this research have previous experience in implementing this evaluation tool in the subjects of Business Administration, Operations Management and Strategic Management taught in the Faculty of Economics and Business of the University of Barcelona. In this paper, the results show that there exist significant differences in the self-evaluation of competences depending on the respondent gender. This kind of tools benefits the three parties involved: students, university managers and organizations, and should be applied along the Bachelor as a transversal project and adapt the programs to achieve graduate students with higher levels of social and personal competences, as demanded by the labour market.

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This report synthesizes the findings of 11 country reports on policy learning in labour market and social policies that were conducted as part of WP5 of the INSPIRES project, which is funded by the 7th Framework Program of the EU-Commission. Notably, this report puts forward objectives of policy learning, discusses tools, processes and institutions of policy learning and presents the impacts of various tools and structures of the policy learning infrastructure for the actual policy learning process. The report defines three objectives of policy learning: evaluation and assessment of policy effectiveness, vision building and planning, and consensus building. In the 11 countries under consideration, the tools and processes of the policy learning, infrastructure can be classified into three broad groups: public bodies, expert councils, and parties, interest groups and the private sector. Finally, we develop four recommendations for policy learning: Firstly, learning processes should keep the balance between centralisation and plurality. Secondly, learning processes should be kept stable beyond the usual political business cycles. Thirdly, policy learning tools and infrastructures should be sufficiently independent from political influence or bias. Fourth, Policy learning tools and infrastructures should balance out mere effectiveness, evaluation and vision building.

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This report compares policy learning processes in 11 European countries. Based on the country reports that were produced by the national teams of the INSPIRES project, this paper develops an argument that connects problem pressure and politicization to learning in different labor market innovations. In short, we argue that learning efforts are most likely to impact on policy change if there is a certain problem pressure that clearly necessitates political action. On the other hand, if problem pressure is very low, or so high that governments need to react immediately, chances are low that learning impacts on policy change. The second part of our argument contends that learning impacts on policy change especially if a problem is not very politicized, i.e. there are no main conflicts concerning a reform, because then, solutions are wound up in the search for a compromise. Our results confirm our first hypothesis regarding the connection between problem pressure and policy learning. Governments learn indeed up to a certain degree of problem pressure. However, once political action becomes really urgent, i.e. in anti-crisis policies, there is no time and room for learning. On the other hand, learning occurred independently from the politicization of problem. In fact, in countries that have a consensual political system, learning occurred before the decision on a reform, whereas in majoritarian systems, learning happened after the adoption of a policy during the process of implementation.

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This book is the transcript of a witness seminar on the history of experimental economics, in which eleven high-profile experimental economists participated, including Nobel Laureates Vernon Smith, Reinhard Selten and Alvin Roth. The witness seminar was constructed along four different topics: skills, community, laboratory, and funding. The transcript is preceded by an introduction explaining the method of the witness seminar and its specific set-up and resuming its results. The participants' contribution and their lively discussion provide a wealth of insights into the emergence of experimental economics as a field of research.

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The regulation of speed limits in the US had been centralized at the federal level since 1974, until decisions were devolved to the states in 1995. However, the centralization debate has reemerged in recent years. Here, we conduct the first econometric analysis of the determinants of speed limit laws. By using economic, geographic and political variables, our results suggest that geography -which affects private mobility needs and preferences- is the main factor influencing speed limit laws. We also highlight the role played by political ideology, with Republican constituencies being associated with higher speed limits. Furthermore, we identify the presence of regional and time dependence effects. By contrast, poor road safety outcomes do not impede the enactment of high speed limits. Overall, we present the first evidence of the role played by geographical, ideological and regional characteristics, which provide us with a better understanding of the formulation of speed limit policies.

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Two themes are generative for revealing and understanding the history of observation in economics. First, we argue for the importance of noting that observation is an activity as well as a result, and second that observation is no more identical with quantification than observing is with measuring. These two themes enable us to discuss different historical dimensions of the ways in which economists have observed their economies and so enlarge our understanding of their observational practices. These problematics especially help in delineating the intricate, multilayered, and active interactions between the observer and the observed that take place in all social science observation, and from which our pictures of the economic world emerge.

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The introduction of time-series graphs into British economics in the 19th century depended on the « timing » of history. This involved reconceptualizing history into events which were both comparable and measurable and standardized by time unit. Yet classical economists in Britain in the early 19th century viewed history as a set of heterogenous and complex events and statistical tables as giving unrelated facts. Both these attitudes had to be broken down before time-series graphs could be brought into use for revealing regularities in economic events by the century's end.

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Using microdata from the 2002-2006 Colombian Continuous Household Survey, we find an elasticity of individual wages to local unemployment rates of -0.07. However, the elasticity for informal workers is significantly higher, a result which is consistent with efficiency wage theoretical models and relevant for regional labour markets analysis in developing countries.

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Les conflits civils sont des événements dramatiques qui poussent les individus hors de leurs pays d'origine. Mais si l'émigration était elle-même une force pacificatrice? Dans les deux premiers chapitres, je me suis intéressée à l'impact de l'émigration sur l'incidence des conflits civils dans les pays d'origine. Tout d'abord, je construis un modèle théorique d'équilibre général, dans lequel le niveau de conflit d'équilibre est déterminé par la ratio de combattants dans l'économie. Dans ce modèle, l'émigration décourage les conflits en réduisant les gains d'une rébellion, tout en augmentant le coût d'opportunité des combats. La principale prédiction du modèle est que le conflit diminue avec le niveau du salaire étranger net des coûts de migration. Dans le deuxième chapitre, je teste cette prédiction empiriquement. En utilisant une variable instrumentale, je démontre que l'émigration vers les pays développés diminue l'incidence de guerres civiles dans les pays d'origine. Ces résultats prouvent qu'en ouvrant leurs frontières, les pays d'accueil pourraient contribuer à sauver des vies, aussi bien celles des migrants que celles des habitants restés dans leur pays. De plus, les conflits civils tendent à détruire des sociétés en traumatisant les personnes touchées, augmentant ainsi le risque des conflits futurs. Afin de mieux comprendre ce cercle vicieux et de pouvoir y remédier, le troisième chapitre détermine si les enfants ayant vécu la guerre ont une tendance à être plus violent que des co-nationaux nés après la guerre. L'analyse se concentre sur les demandeurs d'asile en Suisse : Cette population est intéressante puisque l'allocation des demandeurs d'asile entre cantons est aléatoire, ce qui prévient le choix d'un canton avec un taux de criminalité plus élevé. Les résultats démontrent un effet de traumatisme causé par la guerre augmentant ainsi le risque de criminalité dans la vie adulte. Cependant, l'analyse de politiques publiques montre que la mise en place de politiques judicieuses permet d'éviter les conséquences de l'exposition à la guerre. En particulier, en offrant aux nouveaux arrivants l'accès au marché de travail ainsi que des perspectives à long-terme, la Suisse peut éliminer complètement l'effet du traumatisme sur la criminalité.