From Truth to Justice: How Does Amnesty Factor In? A Comparative Analysis of South Africa and Sierra Leone's Truth and Reconciliation Commissions

Truth and Reconciliation Commissions (TRC) have emerged in the last few decades as a mechanism for a state to overcome widespread, grave, human rights violations. There are numerous approaches to a TRC all with an ultimate goal: that formerly warring factions, perpetrators, witnesses, and victims can move forward as a united people. I propose that the provision of amnesty is critical to the success of a TRC. I hypothesize that the form of amnesty chosen (i.e. blanket v. conditional amnesty) determines the revelation of truth and realization of justice, which in turn dictates whether a TRC can achieve reconciliation. To test this hypothesis, I use two case studies: South Africa, which has utilized conditional amnesty, and Sierra Leone which has employed blanket amnesty. I create a model for measuring reconciliation. I can then look at the implications of both types of amnesty and assess which, in the end, is more effective. My overarching conclusion is that the provision of conditional amnesty is more effective than blanket amnesty in achieving reconciliation. Ultimately, I hope that this conclusion can be generalized to other TRCs.

Abandoned and forgotten: the sad story of Kenya's internally displaced persons

This documentary is about the internal displacement of ethnic minorities brought about by politically instigated post-election violence towards ethnic minorities in all eight provinces, namely, Coast, Rift Valley, Western, Eastern, North Eastern, Central Kenya, Nairobi, and Nyanza. During the years of 1991 to 1996, over 15,000 people died and almost 300,000 were displaced in the Rift Valley, Central, Nyanza and Western provinces. Before the 1997 elections, violence erupted. Again, following the disputed presidential elections in December 2007 politically and ethnically instigated displacements resulted in human rights violations against 600,000 people in 8 provinces of Kenya.

O direito ao próprio direito: modelos latino-americanos de autonomia política indígena

O objetivo deste trabalho é saber se o direito indigenista, como denominarei o direito estatal que diz respeito aos povos indígenas, reconhece a legitimidade do direito indígena, como denominarei o direito produzido pelos povos indígenas, nas experiências colombiana, boliviana e brasileira. A escolha da Bolívia se justifica pelo fato de as Constituições recentes deste país e do Equador serem consideradas um novo marco do constitucionalismo pluralista ao refundarem suas ordens buscando superar a ausência indígena constituinte. Já a Colômbia se destaca entre os países que, sob a influência recente do Convênio 169, incorporaram expressamente o pluralismo jurídico em suas Constituições. A jurisprudência produzida pela Corte Constitucional do país a respeito do direito indígena é considerada exemplar e inspiradora dos desenvolvimentos mais recentes na Bolívia. O trabalho está voltado para dois aspectos do tema: a autonomia jurisdicional, ou a capacidade para julgar conflitos conforme as normas e procedimentos próprios, e os mecanismos de controle de tais decisões. A metodologia do trabalho abrange revisão bibliográfica, seleção e análise documental de decisões judiciais e textos legais. Argumento que a acomodação de autonomias políticas e ordens jurídicas de diferentes culturas depende da criação de meta-instituições e metarregras que solucionem conflitos e promovam a coordenação entre os direitos, permitindo que os grupos se relacionem de maneira equitativa, controlem a dinâmica de suas identidades culturais e se sintam parte de uma mesma comunidade política. A prática das instituições brasileiras, no entanto, está muito mais voltada a aplicar o direito estatal aos índios do que a exercer controle sobre o direito indígena, o que indica que o paradigma da assimilação prevalece sobre eventuais concepções multiculturais de Estado e sociedade, ainda que o direito legislado apresente regras que reconhecem o pluralismo jurídico. Em outras palavras, as instituições estatais enxergam os indígenas como pessoas que percorrem o caminho da incapacidade jurídica à capacidade plena à medida em que se familiarizam com a cultura dominante, e não como pessoas que podem transitar entre diferentes ordens jurídicas. Por outro lado, a experiência recente de países latino-americanos que se abriram ao pluralismo jurídico mostra um caminho difícil e repleto de questões em aberto. As que mais se destacam são a possibilidade de violações de direitos humanos por autoridades indígenas e a tensão entre centralização política e autonomia política. Em relação ao primeiro caso, o aspecto crucial é saber quem deve julgar as violações e sob quais critérios, além de evitar decisões culturalmente enviesadas. Já o segundo caso depende da superação de traços autoritários relacionados ao governo central e da predominância das estruturas estatais já consolidadas, tanto no nível central quanto no nível local, sobre as instituições mantidas pelos povos indígenas. Ainda há um descompasso entre o discurso constitucional de igualdade entre as ordens jurídicas e a prática de subordinação das ordens indígenas às instâncias estatais.

Transformation through translation:translation policies at Amnesty International

International non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are powerful political players who aim to influence global society. In order to be effective on a global scale, they must communicate their goals and achievements in different languages. Translation and translation policy play an essential role here. Despite NGOs’ important position in politics and society, not much is known about how these organisations, who often have limited funds available, organise their translation work. This study aims to contribute to Translation Studies, and more specifically to investigating institutional translation, by exploring translation policies at Amnesty International, one of the most successful and powerful human rights NGOs around the world. Translation policy is understood as comprising three components: translation management, translation practices, and translation beliefs, based on Spolsky’s study of language policy (2004). The thesis investigates how translation is organised and what kind of policies different Amnesty offices have in place, and how this is reflected in their translation products. The thesis thus also pursues how translation and translation policy impact on the organisation’s message and voice as it is spread around the world. An ethnographic approach is used for the analysis of various data sets that were collected during fieldwork. These include policy documents, guidelines on writing and translation, recorded interviews, e-mail correspondence, and fieldnotes. The thesis at first explores Amnesty’s global translation policy, and then presents the results of a comparative analysis of local translation policies at two concrete institutions: Amnesty International Language Resource Centre in Paris (AILRC-FR) and Amnesty International Vlaanderen (AIVL). A corpus of English source texts and Dutch (AIVL) and French (AILRC-FR) target texts are analysed. The findings of the analysis of translation policies and of the translation products are then combined to illustrate how translation impacts on Amnesty’s message and voice. The research results show that there are large differences in how translation is organised depending on the local office and the language(s), and that this also influences the way in which Amnesty’s message and voice are represented. For Dutch and French specifically, translation policies and translation products differ considerably. The thesis describes how these differences are often the result of different beliefs and assumptions relating to translation, and that staff members within Amnesty are not aware of the different conceptions of translation that exist within Amnesty International as a formal institution. Organising opportunities where translation can be discussed (meetings, workshops, online platforms) can help in reducing such differences. The thesis concludes by suggesting that an increased awareness of these issues will enable Amnesty to make more effective use of translation in its fight against human rights violations.

Investigating truth commissions

This thesis examines the use of ad hoc national truth commissions created to address human rights violations committed by repressive regimes. To analyze truth commissions' contributions to human rights protection and democratic transitions, a framework is developed to analyze: (1) the challenges in addressing past violations; and (2) the influence of coercive forces, such as the military, on decision-making regarding these violations. A survey of nineteen commissions and close review of the specific experience in Argentina, El Salvador, and South Africa suggests that governments face daunting challenges in harnessing coercive forces, and consequently past human rights violators are often granted amnesties and pardons. While truth commissions usually signal some commitment to the principles of democratic governance, they may serve primarily to legitimate a successor government and as such may fail to represent a long-term commitment to human rights protection. ^

The Rise of Native Voices Against Natural Resource Extraction in Latin America [Student's Paper Series]

Latin America, a region rich in both energy resources and native heritage, faces a rising politico-social confrontation that has been growing for over two decades. While resources like oil and gas are exploited to enhance the state’s economic growth, indigenous groups feel threatened because the operations related to this exploitation are infringing on their homelands. Furthermore, they believe that the potential resource wealth found in these environmentally-sensitive regions is provoking an “intrusion” in their ancestral territory of either government agencies or corporations allowed by governmental decree. Indigenous groups, which have achieved greater political voice over the past decade, are protesting against government violations. These protests have reached the media and received international attention, leading the discourse on topics such as civil and human rights violations. When this happens, the State finds itself “between a rock and a hard place”: In a debate between indigenous groups’ rights and economic sustainability.

A Land That Has Yet to Heal: The Burmese Civil War (1948 – present)

Since its independence from Great Britain in 1948, the state of Burma has been at war with itself. Ethnic and religious tension fuel the conflict and has led to territorial disputes while no resolution to this strife is expected under a fragile and corrupt central government. Additionally, proxy wars have delayed any peaceful negotiations. The combinations of failing social welfare programs and prolonged peace talks have led many Burmese people join the military as soldiers in either the Burmese military or any one of the numerous ethnic paramilitary groups in the country. Human rights violations are common in Burma, including rape, pillaging, and ethnic cleansing. Essentially, Burma has had the longest ongoing civil war due to combination of grievances, many of which predate the 21st century.

Restorative Justice and Political Forgiveness: A Comparative Study of Truth and Reconciliation Commissions

This research project involves a comparative, cross-national study of truth and reconciliation commissions (TRCs) in countries around the world that have used these extra-judicial institutions to pursue justice and promote national reconciliation during periods of democratic transition or following a civil conflict marked by intense violence and severe human rights abuses. An important objective of truth and reconciliation commissions involves instituting measures to address serious human rights abuses that have occurred as a result of discrimination, ethnocentrism and racism. In recent years, rather than solely utilizing traditional methods of conflict resolution and criminal prosecution, transitional governments have established truth and reconciliation commissions as part of efforts to foster psychological, social and political healing.

The primary objective of this research project is to determine why there has been a proliferation of truth and reconciliation commissions around the world in recent decades, and assess whether the perceived effectiveness of these commissions is real and substantial. In this work, using a multi-method approach that involves quantitative and qualitative analysis, I consider the institutional design and structural composition of truth and reconciliation commissions, as well as the roles that these commissions play in the democratic transformation of nations with a history of civil conflict and human rights violations.

In addition to a focus on institutional design of truth and reconciliation commissions, I use a group identity framework that is grounded in social identity theory to examine the historical background and sociopolitical context in which truth commissions have been adopted in countries around the world. This group identity framework serves as an invaluable lens through which questions related to truth and reconciliation commissions and other transitional justice mechanisms can be explored. I also present a unique theoretical framework, the reconciliatory democratization paradigm, that is especially useful for examining the complex interactions between the various political elements that directly affect the processes of democratic consolidation and reconciliation in countries in which truth and reconciliation commissions have been established. Finally, I tackle the question of whether successor regimes that institute truth and reconciliation commissions can effectively address the human rights violations that occurred in the past, and prevent the recurrence of these abuses.

Implications of coping strategies and community cohesion for mental health in Colombia

In the face of mass human rights violations and constant threats to security, there is growing recognition of the resilience of people and communities. This paper builds on such work by investigating the effects of individual coping strategies, perceived community cohesion, and their interaction on mental health symptoms in Colombia. The study was conducted five years after the mass demobilisation of the former paramilitaries and takes an exploratory quantitative approach to identify two distinct forms of coping approaches among participants living in the Caribbean coast of Colombia. A constructive coping approach included active engagement, planning behaviours, emotional support, acceptance and positive reframing of daily stressors. A destructive coping approach in this study entailed denial of problems, substance use and behavioural disengagement from day-to-day stress. In addition, the strength of perceived community cohesion, or how close-knit and effective the individuals feel about the community in which they live, was examined. Structural equation modelling revealed that a constructive coping approach was significantly related to lower depression, while a destructive coping approach predicted more symptoms of depression. Although there was not a significant direct effect of perceived community cohesion on mental health outcomes, it did enhance the effect of constructive coping strategies at the trend level. That is, individuals who used constructive coping strategies and perceived their communities to be more cohesive, reported fewer depression symptoms than those who lived in less cohesive settings. Implications for promoting constructive coping strategies, as well as fostering cohesion in the community, are discussed.

Governança transversal dos direitos fundamentais : experiências Latino-Americanas

Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, 2016.

Acesso à informação e intimidade : um dilema do Estado Democrático de Direito

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, 2016.

Les méthodes d’adaptation du Centre des droits de l’homme "Memorial" aux mesures étatiques russes- Les principes d’action d’une ONG de défense des droits de l’homme russe

En raison du virage semi-autoritaire de l’État russe au début des années 2000, l’adaptation aux mesures contraignantes de l’État, qu’elle soit consciente ou inconsciente, constitue un aspect fondamental du quotidien des ONG de défense des droits de l’homme russes. Cependant, il s’agit d’une question jusqu’ici négligée dans la littérature scientifique. Ainsi, ce mémoire a pour objet d’examiner la démarche d’adaptation d’une ONG particulièrement active sur la scène russe, le Centre des droits de l’homme Memorial, entre 1999 et 2014. La recherche révèle que cette ONG emploie deux méthodes afin de s’adapter aux mesures étatiques et que celles-ci sont, en fait, des principes d’action adoptés par l’organisation au moment de sa création. Le premier principe d’action s’appuie sur la coopération et la solidarité développées par le Centre des droits de l’homme Memorial avec d’autres ONG russes, des ONG internationales et des organisations internationales. En partenariat avec ces organisations, le Centre des droits de l’homme Memorial élabore des activités de recherche et de plaidoyer et mène des missions de surveillance des droits de l’homme. Ce principe d’action renforce considérablement la capacité d’adaptation de l’ONG et favorise l’exercice de son rôle de contrepouvoir. Le second principe d’action se fonde sur la recherche de collaboration constructive avec l’État. Lors d’interactions ponctuelles avec les autorités, l’organisation exerce un rôle d’expert en matière de droits de l’homme et tente de réduire les entraves posées à la société civile. Outre sa propriété adaptative, cette méthode d’adaptation combine deux fonctions inhérentes à la société civile, soit la représentation des intérêts des citoyens auprès des instances étatiques et l’établissement d’un partenariat avec l’État dans le but d’amener ce dernier à adopter des pratiques démocratiques. Ce mémoire montre la capacité du Centre des droits de l’homme Memorial à se mouvoir d’une méthode d’adaptation à l’autre afin de maximiser son action.

Estudio de caso del análisis de los alcances y limitaciones frente a la justicia, verdad y reparación de las víctimas de las masacres de Trujillo, Valle del Cauca y el Salado, Bolívar

Colombia ha sido escenario de disputas violentas por poder político y económico entre diferentes sectores. Del mismo modo, el país también ha manifestado una debilidad muy significativa en cuanto a su memoria histórica, hecho que se ha traducido en la segmentación del país entre quienes tienen conocimiento y conciencia acerca del conflicto interno armado y aquellos que parecen considerarlo como una serie de eventos violentos que se da en un contexto ajeno, en una suerte de país paralelo. Por lo tanto, el interés de este trabajo es el de participar en la construcción de una memoria histórica que permita al lector evidenciar y dimensionar el alcance de las acciones gubernamentales en relación a la verdad, justicia y reparación de las víctimas de violaciones a los derechos humanos

Las reparaciones simbólicas en escenarios de justicia transicional

Resumen Cuando una sociedad intenta hacer una transición de situaciones de conflicto armado a paz o de regímenes dictatoriales a democracias, debe tomar decisiones políticas que garanticen los estándares internacionales en materia de derechos de las víctimas de violaciones a derechos humanos, pero que permitan pactos entre las partes implicadas. En este contexto el derecho a la reparación es el centro de álgidos debates. Por eso, en este artículo se propone visibilizar las reparaciones simbólicas como parte de la reparación integral y como importante mecanismo para que las sociedades en transición logren superar los hechos victimizantes sin olvidarlos y para que estos no se repitan; entonces, los simbolismos reparadores buscarán nombrar y dignificar a las víctimas, recordar la verdad y solicitar perdón asumiendo responsabilidades. Abstract When a society tries to make the transition from armed conflict to peace, or dictatorships to democracies, political decisions must be taken to ensure international standards concerning the rights of victims of human rights violations, but allowing agreements between the parts involved. In this context, the right to reparation is the peak center of discussions.So, this article proposes to visualize the symbolic reparations as part of the internal reparation and as an important mechanism so that societies in transition can overcome the victimizing facts without forgetting them, and in order to stop them too. Then, the repairing symbolism would seek to appoint and dignify the victims, to remember the truth, taking responsibilities, and asking for forgiveness.

Terra e Sviluppo: impatti di genere delle acquisizioni di terra su larga scala in Africa

Secondo il Report IFAD sulla povertà rurale, nel 2008, circa due terzi della popolazione africana viveva nelle aree rurali ed era in qualche modo coinvolta in attività agricole commerciali o di sussistenza (IFAD, 2011). L’agricoltura rappresenta il più importante settore economico per la popolazione africana e le donne risultano cruciali per la produzione agricola: rappresentano infatti il 62,8 per cento della forza lavoro (FAO, 2014). Dopo la crisi alimentare del 2007-2008 si è andato intensificando il fenomeno delle acquisizione di terre su larga scala in paesi del Sud del mondo, in particolare nel continente africano, da parte di multinazionali, governi, aziende nazionali e singoli soggetti privati. Questo processo è stato denominato anche land grabbing dalle principali organizzazioni internazionali e della società civile e ha avuto grande impatto mediatico a livello internazionale. L'intensificarsi del fenomeno ha portato a una progressiva perdita di controllo e accesso ad ampie porzioni di territorio da parte delle comunità locali, che non possono più disporre delle risorse naturali collegate alla terra. La cessione di ampi terreni avviene in molti casi senza trasparenza informativa, con violazione dei diritti umani e senza il consenso delle comunità che vi abitano e che coltivano tali aree, e a cui viene imposto un cambio radicale di vita. La terra è una risorsa centrale per l'identità, il sostentamento e la sicurezza alimentare di una comunità, dunque le conseguenze sono molteplici a livello sociale, culturale, economico e politico. Gli impatti sulle relazioni di genere e in particolare sulle donne delle comunità rurali risultano essere cruciali nel discorso sullo sviluppo. L’obiettivo di questo lavoro è indagare come le relazioni di genere, a seguito delle trasformazioni nella gestione della terra, si modificano amplificando squilibri già esistenti e creando conseguenze sulle logiche di potere delle comunità rurali e sulle vite delle persone che ne fanno parte.