A Qualitative Study on Successful African American Marriages on How They Create and Repair Attachment Injuries Using Emotional Skillfulness.

The purpose of this phenomenological study was to describe the meanings that Ossie Davis and Ruby Dee Davis attribute to how they have adapted to their marriage and overcame conflict over the years. A purposive sample of this well-known African American married couple, who self-identified as being in a long-term, successful marriage, was used. The subjects of study were married for 56 years. An analysis using Colaizzi's (1978) method revealed 2 themes, with 13 and 2 subthemes respectively. The themes that emerged from the analysis of the formulated meanings were: (1) secrets to a successful marriage; and (2) sources of conflict in marriage. Secrets to a successful marriage included 13 subthemes: (a) egalitarian roles; (b) commitment; (c) forgiveness; (d) communication; (e) love; (f) honesty; (g) understanding the struggles of Black males and females; (h) friendship; (i) religion/ support from God; (j) compromise; (k) beliefs that marriage is a process; (l) emotional availability of spouse; and (m) feelings of security. In addition, the theme sources of conflict in marriage had two subthemes: (a) different decision making styles; and (b) experiences of abandonment. These findings provided insight from this couple's perspective on the secrets to a successful marriage and the ways in which they managed to make their marriage work, in light of the unique challenges that face African American marriages.

A Human Resource Training Program for Cross-Border Mergers and Acquisitions

Cross-border mergers and acquisitions (M&A) have increased in the twenty-first century; however, the majority of cross-border mergers fail to achieve their financial objectives. Nonetheless, the number of merger failures has not stopped organizations from undertaking mergers. There are multiple sources and types of conflict associated with merger failure, which can all be traced back to the facts that human resource departments have not been utilized effectively and that there has been a lack of planning during the M&A process. Thus, this capstone proposes a training program as a reference for human resource departments to apply best practices for planning, training, and evaluating during the process of M&As, which will help potentially alleviate conflicts during the merger period.

El escenario de conciliación para la igualdad en el entorno publicitario: una comparación entre el sector docente y el profesional

En las últimas décadas, la conciliación se ha erigido como un tema de preocupación social. Así, en España surgen diversas normativas que tratan de solventar este problema. En concreto, en el año 2007 se promulga la Ley para la Igualdad Efectiva de Mujeres y Hombres (LOIEMH). En ella se contemplan medidas y acciones dirigidas a garantizar la no discriminación por razón de sexo, directa o indirecta, en todos los ámbitos, especialmente la derivada de la maternidad y las obligaciones familiares. Con el objetivo de conocer el grado de aplicabilidad de este precepto y de comparar las condiciones para la conciliación entre los docentes y profesionales del sector publicitario, se realiza un análisis de la información referente a la creación de Unidades de Igualdad y Planes de Igualdad en las universidades españolas que ofrecen estudios de publicidad y encuestas a profesores y empleados del sector publicitario para medir sus niveles de conflicto y su percepción sobre los efectos de los cambios normativos. Los resultados ponen de manifiesto que los entornos universitarios públicos han implantado en mayor medida los preceptos legales vinculados con la conciliación. A su vez, existen diferencias en la consideración del conflicto familiar/laboral entre los docentes y los profesionales: los profesores consideran que la esfera familiar interfiere en la laboral mientras que los publicitarios perciben que el desbordamiento de la esfera laboral hacia la familiar es superior. Ambos tipos de trabajadores perciben entornos laborales poco sensibles a la conciliación y no consideran que la ley haya tenido importantes repercusiones.

Fortification and Frontier: The Project Drawn up by Juan Martín Zermeño for Puebla de Sanabria in 1766

Following the death of engineer General Jorge Próspero de Verboom in 1744 and after a few years of transition in the management of Spanish fortifications, Juan Martín Zermeño took on the role, initially with a temporary mandate, but then definitively during a second period that ran from 1766 until his death in 1772. He began this second period with a certain amount of concern because of what had taken place during the last period of conflict. The Seven Years War (1756–1763) which had brought Spain into conflict with Portugal and England in the Caribbean had also lead to conflict episodes along the Spanish–Portuguese border. Zermeño’s efforts as a planner and general engineer gave priority to the northern part of the Spanish–Portuguese border. After studying the territory and the existing fortifications on both sides of the border, Zermeño drew up three important projects in 1766. The outposts that needed to be reinforced were located, from north to south, at Puebla de Sanabria, Zamora and Ciudad Rodrigo, which is where he is believed to have come from. This latter township already had a modern installation built immediately after the war of the Spanish Succession and reinforced with the Fort of La Concepción. However, Zamora and Puebla de Sanabria had some obsolete fortifications that needed modernising. Since the middle of the 15th century Puebla de Sanabria had had a modern castle with rounded turrets, that of the counts of benavente. During the 16th and 17th centuries it had also been equipped with a walled enclosure with small bastions. During the war of the Spanish Succession the Portuguese had enlarged the enclosure and had erected a tentative offshoot to the west. In order to draw up the ambitious Puebla de Sanabria project Zermeño had the aid of some previous reports and projects, such as those by the count of robelin in 1722, the one by Antonio de Gaver in 1752, and Pedro Moreau’s report dated June 1755. This study includes a technical analysis of Zermeño’s project and its strategic position within the system of fortifications along the Spanish–Portuguese border.

15M. La expresión del conflicto en las canciones protestas

El objetivo de esta comunicación es analizar de manera exploratoria en qué forma las letras de las canciones protesta, escritas en el entorno de las movilizaciones del 15M, contienen una visión del mundo social, económico y político. Las canciones protesta se caracterizan por la denuncia social de situaciones de explotación, discriminación o esclavitud. El rasgo común a todas ellas es la existencia de un conflicto, al que responden tomando posición por una de las partes o apelando a la paz y al consenso. En ocasiones ofrecen soluciones a dichos conflictos, si bien no es la situación más extendida. En relación a las canciones del 15M, emplearemos como referencia las disponibles en la página de la Fundación Robo. En dicha página se alojan canciones cuyo nexo de unión es la protesta por la situación que vive la sociedad española. Tomando las canciones como datos de análisis, se estudiarán los estilos más empleados para protestar, el empleo del “bricoleur” (Levi-Strauss) de músicas y letras para recomponer un nuevo mensaje y finalmente se considerará la presencia de dualizaciones como las de “nosotros” y “ellos”. Se exploran las razones que se exponen en las letras para llegar al conflicto actual y las soluciones que se proponen. Tras definir qué actores y colectivos definen cada uno de los grupos, se consideran las relaciones que se proponen entre ellos. Destacan los planteamientos que presentan la relación como de lucha o conflicto, mientras que la oferta de relaciones constructivas, ya sea de diálogo, consenso o negociación, es prácticamente inexistente. Raramente ofrecen una solución pacífica a los conflictos.

Trade policy issues in the Wider Europe – that led to war and not yet to peace. CEPS Working Document No. 398, July 2014

This paper looks at the trade policy landscape of the EU and the wider Europe, with a focus on issues arising from the signature on 27 June 2014 of Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreements (DCFTAs) between the EU and three East European countries (Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine), and actual or prospective issues relating to the customs union of Belarus, Russia and Kazakhstan (BRK), and the Eurasian Economic Union whose founding treaty was signed on 29 May 2014. The huge expansion of intercontinental free trade area negotiations currently underway, in which the EU is an active participant alongside much of the Americas and Asia, stands in contrast with Russia’s choice to restrict itself to the Eurasian Economic Union, which is only a marginal extension of its own economy. Alone among the major economies in the world, Russia does not seek to integrate economically with any major economic bloc, which should be a matter of serious concern for Moscow. Within the wider Europe, the EU’s DCFTAs with Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia are a major new development, but Russia now threatens trade sanctions against Ukraine in particular, the economic case for which seems unfounded and whose unilateral application would also impair the customs union. The Belarus-Russia-Kazakhstan customs union itself poses several issues of compatibility with the rules of the WTO, which in turn are viewed by the EU as an impediment to discussing possible free trade scenarios with the customs union, although currently there are far more fundamental political impediments to any consideration of such ideas. Nonetheless, this paper looks at various long-term scenarios, if only as a reminder that there could be much better alternatives to the present context of conflict around Ukraine.

What do the Maidan protests tell us about Ukraine? Diagnosis and prospects for Ukrainian politics. OSW Commentary No. 125, 22.01.2014

The outbreak of the protests in the Maidan in Kyiv, and also periodically in other Ukrainian cities, has come as a surprise to both the government and the opposition. These rallies have now been ongoing for several weeks and their most striking feature is their focus on citizenship and their apolitical nature and, by extension, a clear attempt to dissociate the protests from Ukraine’s political opposition. Neither Batkivshchyna, UDAR nor Svoboda have managed to take over full control of the demonstrations. On the one hand, this has been linked to the fact that the protesters have little confidence in opposition politicians and, on the other hand, to disputes over a joint strategy and to rivalry between the three parties. As a result, the citizen-led movement has managed to retain its independence from any political actors. As a consequence of the radicalisation and escalation of the protests following 19 January, the political opposition has lost a significant proportion of the control it had been in possession of until then. Maidan should also be seen as the first clear manifestation of a new generation of Ukrainians – raised in an independent Ukraine, well-educated and familiar with new social media, but nonetheless seeking to ground themselves in national tradition. After the initial shock and a series of failed attempts to quell the protests, the government has seemingly opted to wait out the unrest. At the same time, however, it has been creating administrative obstacles for both the political and the civil opposition, restricting their access to the media and severely limiting the legal possibility to organise demonstrations.

The Kremlin plays the immigration card. OSW Commentary No. 112, 2013-08-19

Russia is currently the world’s second most popular destination country for international migrants (second only to the United States). In recent years, Russia’s relatively high economic growth has attracted foreign workers from poorer neighbouring republics in Central Asia, as well as from Ukraine and Belarus. In the absence of a consistent immigration policy, the largescale influx of immigrants has become a major issue affecting social relations in Russia. The majority of Russians oppose the arrival of both foreign workers and internal migrants from Russia’s North Caucasus republics, claiming that their presence in Russia contributes to the escalation of ethnic and religious tensions, fuels organised crime and corruption, and increases competition on the labour market. As many as 70% of Russians are in favour of restricting the number of immigrants allowed into the country, calling on the government for a more stringent policy on immigration. Since the end of July the authorities have responded to these calls by carrying out a series of raids on markets and construction sites across Moscow, where most immigrants tend to find employment. The raids have led to arrests and deportations. However, these measures should not be seen as a serious attempt to deal with the problem of economic migrants in the capital, mainly because of the highly selective and staged nature of the crackdown. This, coupled with the timing of the initiative, might indicate that the raids are a part of an ongoing election campaign, particularly in the run-up to the Moscow mayoral elections scheduled for 8 September. By adopting anti-immigration rhetoric, the Kremlin is seeking both to garner support among Russian voters, who tend to be easily swayed by nationalist sentiments, and to steal the anti-immigration card from the opposition and its leader Alexei Navalny. The opposition has been calling for a clearer policy on this issue and has blamed the government for the current lack of control over migrant numbers, accusing the authorities of benefiting from the widespread corruption linked to immigration. In a broader context, the actions taken by the government are a response to the declining legitimacy of the current ruling elite. By attempting to address the immigration issue, the Kremlin is trying to restore its image as a government attentive to social problems and capable of solving them effectively.

Coltan from Central Africa, International Trade and Implications for Any Certification. Bruges European Economic Policy (BEEP) 23/2012

The exploitation of coltan in Central Africa can be considered a case of conflict minerals due to its nature. Many international organizations and bodies, national governments and private sector organizations seek to address this conflict, in particular via transparency, certification and accountability along the material supply chain. This paper analyses the international trade dimension of coltan and gives evidence on the dimension of illicit trade of coltan. The authors start from the hypothesis that illicit trade of coltan sooner or later will enter the market and will be reflected in the statistics. The paper is structured in the following manner: first, a short section gives a profile of coltan production and markets; second, an overview of the mining situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and related actors. The third section addresses mechanisms, actors and measurement issues involved in the international trade of coltan. The final part draws lessons for certification and conflict analysis and offers some guidance for future research. The paper identifies two main possible gateways to trace illegal trade in coltan: the neighbouring countries, especially Rwanda, and the importing countries for downstream production, in particular China. Our estimation is that the value of such illicit trade comes close to $ 27 million annually (2009), roughly one fifth of the world market volume for tantalum production. With regard to any certification the paper concludes that this will become challenging for business and policy: (a) Central Africa currently is the largest supplier of coltan on the world market, many actors profit from the current situation and possess abilities to hide responsibility; (b) China will need to accept more responsibility, a first step would be the acceptance of the OECD guidelines on due diligence; (c) better regional governance in Central Africa comprises of resource taxation, a resource fund and fiscal coordination. An international task force may provide more robust data, however more research will also be needed.

Energy in the Eastern Mediterranean: promise or peril? Egmont Paper No. 65, May 2014

From the Introduction. In order to address the different challenges and opportunities on energy cooperation in the Eastern Mediterranean Region and Levant Basin, EGMONT – The Royal Institute for International Relations of Belgium – together with the Atlantic Council, and supported by H. E. Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs Didier Reynders, opened an expert dialogue in 2013 in order to look at how the management of the new energy resources could act as a vector of cooperation instead of conflict between the concerned countries. The activities have targeted finding new possibilities for cooperation on political and security challenges, energy infrastructure development, the regulatory and legal framework, environmental concerns, and bilateral and regional structures, in a manner that enhances stability and security in the region, increases European energy security, contributes to rather than hinders a comprehensive Cyprus settlement, and promotes wider regional cooperation.

A Differentiated, Balanced and Patient Approach? The EU’s Involvement with Georgia’s Secessionist Conflicts beyond the August 2008 War. EU Diplomacy Paper 06/2015.

The August war in 2008 between Russia and Georgia caught the world by surprise but nevertheless brought the European Union (EU) to the forefront of the international efforts to end the hostilities, and the EU became the leading international actor involved with the conflict resolution process. However, in the years following the armed conflict, the conflict resolution process lost pace, and the impact of the EU beyond the immediate aftermath of the August 2008 war has been put into question. By undertaking a qualitative case study, this paper aims to explore to what extent the EU has impacted on the conflict resolution process of Georgia’s secessionist conflicts in 2008-2015. It will argue that the EU’s policies have only to a limited extent impacted on this conflict resolution process, which can be related to the objectives, priorities and time perspectives of the EU’s conflict resolution policies. The EU’s efforts have significantly contributed to the objective of conflict prevention, but the profile of the EU in the field of international conflict management weakened its position in the area of conflict transformation, where the lack of progress in turn limited the EU’s impact in the areas of international conflict management and conflict settlement. The main conclusion put forward is that in order to have a true impact, the EU needs to undertake a differentiated, balanced and patient approach to conflict resolution.

Coalition Formation in Parliament and during the Policy Process

In modern democratic systems, usually no single collective actor is able to decisively influence political decision-making. Instead, actors with similar preferences form coalitions in order to gain more influence in the policy process. In the Swiss political system in particular, institutional veto points and the consensual culture of policy-making provide strong incentives for actors to form large coalitions. Coalitions are thus especially important in political decision-making in Switzerland, and are accordingly a central focus of this book. According to one of our core claims - to understand the actual functioning of Swiss consensus democracy - one needs to extend the analysis beyond formal institutions to also include informal procedures and practices. Coalitions of actors play a crucial role in this respect. They are a cornerstone of decision-making structures, and they inform us about patterns of conflict, collaboration and power among actors. Looking at coalitions is all the more interesting in the Swiss political system, since the coalition structure is supposed to vary across policy processes. Given the absence of a fixed government coalition, actors need to form new coalitions in each policy process.

Conflictos entre laicos y eclesiásticos, poder y relaciones sociales en el Reino de León : Revisión crítica de un modelo

El presente trabajo realiza una revisión crítica del modelo formulado por Patrick Geary para la interpretación de los procesos conflictuales en la sociedad medieval, tomando como caso de estudio el Reino de León. A partir del análisis de los conflictos que enfrentaron al monasterio benedictino de Sahagún con los laicos en los siglos XI y XII, se examinan dos nociones que atraviesan este modelo. Por un lado, la concepción del conflicto como mecanismo de regulación de las relaciones sociales. Por otro, su carácter ahistórico, desvinculado de los procesos de cambio social dentro de los que se inscribe.

Household decision making : an exploratory study /

"This study is designed to gain insights into various aspects of family decision making. Specifically, the study examines the prevalance of autonomous versus joint decision making, the incidence of conflict in joint decision making, and the tactics used by individual household members in resolving conflict."

The Upper Guinea Coast in Global Perspective /

For centuries, Africa’s Upper Guinea Coast region has been the site of regional and global interactions, with societies from different parts of the world engaging in economic trade, cultural exchange, and conflict. This book examines how such encounters have continued into the present day. This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched.