Rebalancing urban mobility: a tale of four cities

The key of mobility in urban planning is not in dispute. Integrated strategies that take into account the interrelations among land use, transport supply and demand and the different transportation modes are more necessary than ever. In Europe, regulatory tools such as local mobility plans or traffic plans have been enforced for a long time, evolving into so-called sustainable urban transport plans (SUTP) ? that is, plans thatmerge urban planning,mobility governance, social awareness and environmental safeguards to develop a vision based on sustainability and equity. Indeed, SUTP are aimed at solving typical problems in current land use, such as urban sprawl, which make clear the need for a paradigm shift from transport (or mobility) planning to land use (or city) planning, thereby producing urban mobility plans that are fully aligned with integrated urban development plans. This paper describes how SUTP are articulated across Europe according to four case studies: Peterborough (UK), Chambe¿ry (France), Ferrara (Italy) and Pinto (Spain), to highlight variations and commonalities, both among the four national legal frameworks and the actual planning processes at the local level. Objectives, measures and indicators used in the monitoring and evaluation phases have been analysed and the results assessed. The main conclusion of the paper is that, as seen in these real-life examples, the lack of integration between spatial planning and transport strategies results in the unsustainability of urban areas and, therefore, in a significant loss of competitiveness.

Puente de ferrocarril sobre el Mittellandkanal en Braunschweig

The bridge over the Mittellandkanal is located in the municipality of Braunschweig, a city of Low Saxony located in Mid-North Germany, between Berlin and Hannover, 50 km away from this last city. The city of Braunschwig has 248.867 inhabitants (December 2010). The orography of the zone is practically even, with some slopes in the surrounding area, with a no important variation of the ground elevation, characterized by a big uniformity and a great visual quality. In this zone the canal flows from west to east, from the Dortmundkanal until the Elbe river, so it has a length of 325,3 km. The normal flora from the zone is farmland with some little forests not very big and not very important. But the Mittellandkanal lies at the North of Brauschweig, that means that in the zone of the canal there is a change between the urban area and the rural area. For this reason in the zone of the bridge we start to find farmlands and forest, however the constructions and buildings are still present in this area. The railway line that is going to be built will unite the North-center of Germany with the North-East of Germany because some of the following factors: •Overstress of the only existing line in the moment that connects Berlin with the North-East extreme of Germany. •No direct connection with the North-Easth Germany with other important German cities from South and West of Germany. •Replacement of the old existing one way line in the area that has to be renewed. •Modernization of the old railway lines of Germany. Schedule order by the European Union and the German Government. The actual lines of the zone do not have the necessary conditions and characteristics to satisfy the demand of the travelers that want to travel all over Germany with the railway avoiding using other transports like plan or car. For these reasons the necessity of the replacement of the old railway line and the aim to create a union with the North-East Germany that has a deficit of transport infrastructures and connections with the rest of the country and Europe. Although the new railway line provokes some disadvantages when constructing it is indispensable to build this railway line. The pass of the railway line through Braunschweig has not been random. The zone Braunschweig-Wolfsburg is a very industrialized area because of some companies like Wolkswagen and too because this zone is an important pass of important line from Berlin, South and East Germany. For all of these reasons the railway line goes through Braunschweig and connects to the city of Wolfsburg first, and after the North-East Germany zone.

Decoding urban landscapes through the analysis of place names and imaginaries at a local scale.

Toponomastics is increasingly interested in the subjective role of place names in quotidian life. In the frame of Urban Geography, the interest in this matter is currently growing, as the recently change in modes of habitation has urged our discipline to find new ways of exploring the cities. In this context, the study of how name's significance is connected to a urban society constitutes a very interesting approach. We believe in the importance of place names as tools for decoding urban areas and societies at a local-scale. This consideration has been frequently taken into account in the analysis of exonyms, although in their case they are not exempt of political and practical implications that prevail over the tool function. The study of toponomastic processes helps us understanding how the city works, by analyzing the liaison between urban landscape, imaginaries and toponyms which is reflected in the scarcity of some names, in the biased creation of new toponyms and in the pressure exercised over every place name by tourists, residents and local government for changing, maintaining or eliminating them. Our study-case, Toledo, is one of the oldest cities in Spain, full of myths, stories and histories that can only be understood combined with processes of internal evolution of the city linked to the arrival of new residents and the more and more notorious change of its historical landscape. At a local scale, we are willing to decode the information which is contained in its toponyms about its landscape and its society.

Reversible Urban Entities. Improving public-to-private continuity.

The aim of this paper is to call into question those typologies conventionally used in developing the post-industrial urban fabric (streets, cityblocks, slabs, etc.), often catering to urban designs based on speculative interests and completely overlooking community interests. By defining the concepts of ?postpublic space? and ?reversible urban entities? and illustrating them with an exemplary case of Spanish residential architecture from the 1960s, we establish one possible way of tackling contemporary urban-residential projects. This alternative approach considers the relationship between residential systems and open space systems and promotes the continuity and/or alternation of scales between house and city in an effort to improve the urban quality of life for residents and external users.

Space-time analysis of the urban-rural grafient in the metropolitan area of Madrid and ist surroundings -Guadalajara and Toledo.

According to UN provisions in the period from 2007 to 2050 world population will grow up to 9200 million people. In fact, for the first time in history, in the year 2008 world urban population became higher than rural population. The increase of urban areas and their transport infrastructures has influenced agricultural land use due to their irreversible change, especially when they remain as periurban vacant land, losing their character and identity. In the Europe of the nineties, the traditional urban-rural gradient, characterized by a neat contact between both land types, has become so complex that it has change to a gradient in which it is difficult to separate urban and rural land uses. [Antrop 2004]. A literature review has been made on methodologies used for the urban-rural gradient analysis. One of these methodologies was selected that integrates ecological characterization based on the use of spatial metrics and geographical characterization based on spatial components. Cartographical sources used were Corine Land Cover at 1: 100000 scale and the Spanish Land Use Information System at 1:25000 scale. Urban-rural gradient paradigm is an analysis methodology, coming from landscape ecology, which enables to investigate how urbanization provokes changes in ecological patterns and processes into landscape. [Hahs and McDonnell 2006].The present research adapt this methodology to study the urban-rural gradient in the outskirts of Madrid, Toledo and Guadalajara. Both scales (1:25000 and 1:100000) were simultaneously used to reach the next objectives: 1) Analysis of landscape pattern dynamics in relation to distance to the town centre and major infrastructures. 2) Analysis of landscape pattern dynamics in the fringe of protected areas. The paper presents a new approach to the urban-rural relationship which allows better planning and management of urban áreas.

Sensing Aeropolis. Urban air monitoring devices in Madrid, 2006-2010

Esta tesis examina las implicaciones técnicas, políticas y espaciales del aire urbano, y en concreto, de la calidad del aire, para tenerlo en cuenta desde una perspectiva arquitectónica. En oposición a formas de entender el aire como un vacío o como una metáfora, este proyecto propone abordarlo desde un acercamiento material y tecnológico, trayendo el entorno al primer plano y reconociendo sus múltiples agencias. Debido a la escasa bibliografía detectada en el campo de la arquitectura, el objetivo es construir un marco teórico-analítico para considerar el aire urbano. Para ello el trabajo construye Aeropolis, una metáfora heurística que describe el ensamblaje sociotecnico de la ciudad. Situada en la intersección de determinadas ramas de la filosofía de la cultura, los estudios sobre ciencia y tecnología y estudios feministas de la ciencia este nuevo paisaje conceptual ofrece una metodología y herramientas para abordar el objeto de estudio desde distintos ángulos. Estas herramientas metodológicas han sido desarrolladas en el contexto específico de Madrid, ciudad muy contaminada cuyo aire ha sido objeto de controversias políticas y sociales, y donde las políticas y tecnologías para reducir sus niveles no han sido exitosas. Para encontrar una implicación alternativa con el aire esta tesis propone un método de investigación de agentes invisibles a partir del análisis de sus dispositivos epistémicos. Se centra, en concreto, en los instrumentos que miden, visualizan y comunican la calidad del aire, proponiendo que no sólo lo representan, sino que son también instrumentos que diseñan el aire y la ciudad. La noción de “sensing” (en castellano medir y sentir) es expandida, reconociendo distintas prácticas que reconstruyen el aire de Madrid. El resultado de esta estrategia no es sólo la ampliación de los espacios desde los que relacionarnos con el aire, sino también la legitimación de prácticas existentes fuera de contextos científicos y administrativos, como por ejemplo prácticas relacionadas con el cuerpo, así como la redistribución de agencias entre más actores. Así, esta tesis trata sobre toxicidad, la Unión Europea, producción colaborativa, modelos de computación, dolores de cabeza, kits DIY, gases, cuerpos humanos, salas de control, sangre o políticos, entre otros. Los dispositivos que sirven de datos empíricos sirven como un ejemplo excepcional para investigar infraestructuras digitales, permitiendo desafiar nociones sobre Ciudades Inteligentes. La tesis pone especial atención en los efectos del aire en el espacio público, reconociendo los procesos de invisibilización que han sufrido sus infraestructuras de monitorización. Para terminar se exponen líneas de trabajo y oportunidades para la arquitectura y el diseño urbano a través de nuevas relaciones entre infraestructuras urbanas, el medio construido, espacios domésticos y públicos y humanos y no humanos, para crear nuevas ecologías políticas urbanas (queer). ABSTRACT This thesis examines the technical, political and spatial implications of urban air, and more specifically "air quality", in order to consider it from an architectural perspective. In opposition to understandings of the air either as a void or as a metaphor, this project proposes to inspect it from a material and technical approach, bringing the background to the fore and acknowledging its multiple agencies. Due to the scarce bibliography within the architectural field, its first aim is to construct a theoretical and analytical framework from which to consider urban air. For this purpose, the work attempts the construction of Aeropolis, a heuristic metaphor that describes the city's aero socio-material assemblage. Located at the intersection of certain currents in cultural philosophy, science and technology studies as well as feminist studies in technoscience, this framework enables a methodology and toolset to be extracted in order to approach the subject matter from different angles. The methodological tools stemming from this purpose-built framework were put to the test in a specific case study: Madrid, a highly polluted city whose air has been subject to political and social controversies, and where no effective policies or technologies have been successful in reducing its levels of pollution. In order to engage with the air, the thesis suggests a method for researching invisible agents by examining the epistemic devices involved. It locates and focuses on the instruments that sense, visualise and communicate urban air, claiming that they do not only represent it, but are also instruments that design the air and the city. The notion of "sensing" is then expanded by recognising different practices which enact the air in Madrid. The work claims that the result of this is not only the opening up of spaces for engagement but also the legitimisation of existing practices outside science and policymaking environments, such as embodied practices, as well as the redistribution of agency among more actors. So this is a thesis about toxicity, the European Union, collaborative production, scientific computational models, headaches, DIY kits, gases, human bodies, control rooms, blood, or politicians, among many others. The devices found throughout the work serve as an exceptional substrate for an investigation of digital infrastructures, enabling to challenge Smart City tropes. There is special attention paid to the effects of the air on the public space, acknowledging the silencing processes these infrastructures have been subjected to. Finally there is an outline of the opportunities arising for architecture and urban design when taking the air into account, to create new (queer) urban political ecologies between the air, urban infrastructures, the built environment, public and domestic spaces, and humans and more than humans.

Urban built environment analysis: evidence from a mobility survey in Madrid

Applications involving travel behavior from the perspective of land use are dating from the 1990s. Usually, four important components are distinguished: density, diversity and design (3D?s of Cervero and Kockelman) and accessibility (introduced by Geurs and van Wee). But there is not a general agreement on how to measure each of those 4 components. Density is used to be measured as population and employment densities, but others authors separate population density between residential and building densities. A lot of measures have been developed to estimate diversity: among others, a dissimilarity index to indicate the degree to which different land uses lie within one another?s surrounding, an entropy index to quantify the degree of balance across various land use types or proximities to commercial-retail uses. Design has been characterized by site design, and dwelling and street characteristics. Lastly, accessibility has become a frequently used concept, but its meaning on travel behavior field always refers to the ability ?to reach activities or locations by means of a travel mode?, measured as accessibility to jobs, to leisure activities, and others. Furthermore, the previous evidence is mainly based on US data or on north European countries. Therefore, this paper adds some new evidence from a Spanish perspective to the research debate. Through a Madrid smartphone-based survey, factor analysis is used to linearly combine variables into the 3D?s and accessibility dimensions of the built environment. At a first step for future investigations, land use variables will be treated to define accurately the previous 4 components.

Housing plans and urban rehabilitation in Spain, 1992-2012

This paper explores the urban rehabilitation projects promoted by the Spanish Government between 1992 and 2012 through housing plans. The analysis is based on the comparison of programmes and estimations gathered in these plans with actual housing production within this period in order to find the connection between sectoral housing planning and real estate cycles in these last twenty years. During the period under review, six state housing plans, that were mainly focused on the promotion of newly-constructed state-subsidised housing, were developed, including the Areas of Integrated Rehabilitation programmes (ARI programmes). In spite of the relevance and growing complexity of these programmes, these played a subsidiary role in the government housing policy and were insignificant regarding the whole real estate production in this period.

Urban sprawl and city compactness. A proposal for regional sustainability indicators. Case study of the towns of Alcorcon and Majadahonda (Comunidad de Madrid, Spain)

The main contribution of this research paper is to display a range of figures and values which could help urban planners to quantify the urban phenomenon of sprawl. In this way, after a rigorous analysis and comparison between a scattered urban fabric (Majadahonda) and a compact urban fabric (Alcorcón), several possible indexes are established and characterized in order to verify the main hypothesis: in what extent land consumption and exploitation of energy resources are higher in a scattered urban fabric than in a compact one.

Urbanism and dictatorship: perspectives of the field of urban studies

In 1933 public letter to Wilhelm Furtwängler, Joseph Goebbels synthesized the official understanding of the link between politics, art and society in the early steps of the Third Reich. By assuming the ethos of art, politics acquired a plastic agency to mold its objects —population and the state— as a unified entity in the form of a ‘national-popular community’ (Volksgemeinschaft); in turn, by infusing art with a political valence, it became part of a wider governmental apparatus that reshaped aesthetic discourses and practices. Similar remarks could be made about the ordering of cities and territories in this period. Dictatorial imaginations mobilized urbanism —including urban theory, urban design and planning— as a fundamental tool for social organization. Under their aegis the production of space became a moment in a wider production of society. Many authors suggest that this political-spatial nexus is intrinsic to modernity itself, beyond dictatorial regimes. In this light, I propose to use dictatorial urbanisms as an analytical opportunity to delve into some concealed features of modern urban design and planning. This chapter explores some of these aspects from a theoretical standpoint, focusing on the development of dictatorial planning mentalities and spatial rationalities and drawing links to other historical episodes in order to inscribe the former in a broader genealogy of urbanism. Needless to say, I don’t suggest that we use dictatorships as mere templates to understand modern productions of space. Instead, these cases provide a crude version of some fundamental drives in the operationalization of urbanism as an instrument of social regulation, showing how far the modern imagination of sociospatial orderings can go. Dictatorial urbanisms constituted a set of experiences where many dreams and aspirations of modern planning went to die. But not, as the conventional account would have it, because the former were the antithesis of the latter, but rather because they worked as the excess of a particular orientation of modern spatial governmentalities — namely, their focus on calculation, social engineering and disciplinary spatialities, and their attempt to subsume a wide range of everyday practices under institutional structuration by means of spatial mediations. In my opinion the interest of dictatorial urbanisms lies in their role as key regulatory episodes in a longer history of our urban present. They stand as a threshold between the advent of planning in the late 19th and early 20th century, and its final consolidation as a crucial state instrument after World War II. We need, therefore, to pay attention to these experiences vis-à-vis the alleged ‘normal’ development of the field in contemporary democratic countries in order to develop a full comprehension thereof.

Bioaccessibility of metals and human health risk assessment in community urban gardens

Pseudo-total (i.e. aqua regia extractable) and gastric-bioaccessible (i.e. glycine + HCl extractable) concentrations of Ca, Co, Cr, Cu, Fe, Mn, Ni, Pb and Zn were determined in a total of 48 samples collected from six community urban gardens of different characteristics in the city of Madrid (Spain). Calcium carbonate appears to be the soil property that determines the bioaccessibility of a majority of those elements, and the lack of influence of organic matter, pH and texture can be explained by their low levels in the samples (organic matter) or their narrow range of variation (pH and texture). A conservative risk assessment with bioaccessible concentrations in two scenarios, i.e. adult urban farmers and children playing in urban gardens, revealed acceptable levels of risk, but with large differences between urban gardens depending on their history of land use and their proximity to busy areas in the city center. Only in a worst-case scenario in which children who use urban gardens as recreational areas also eat the produce grown in them would the risk exceed the limits of acceptability

The environmental and economic effects of innovative measures in urban parcels delivery

The main scope of this research is to identify and evaluate solutions to redesign the parcels delivery logistic process to achieve higher level of quality, lower operational costs, energy consumptions and air pollution. The study is starting from the analysis of the delivery process managed by a leader company operating in Rome. Main delivery flows, personnel and fleet management costs, quality performances and environmental impacts are investigated. The results of this analysis are benchmarked with other European situations. On the basis of the feedback of this analysis, a set of operational measures, potentially able tackle the objectives, are identified and assessed by means of a simulative approach. The assessment is based on environmental and economic indicators allowing the comparison between new and reference scenarios from the viewpoints of the key players: operator, customer and Society. Moreover, the operational measures are combined into alternative packages by looking for the sets capable to maximize the benefits for the key players. The methodology, tested on Rome case study, is general and flexible enough to be extended to parcels delivery problem in different urban contexts, as well as to similar urban distribution problems (e.g. press, food, security, school)

Study of PM10 and PM2.5 levels in three European cities: Analysis of intra and inter urban variations

In the present paper, 1-year PM10 and PM 2.5 data from roadside and urban background monitoring stations in Athens (Greece), Madrid (Spain) and London (UK) are analysed in relation to other air pollutants (NO,NO2,NOx,CO,O3 and SO2)and several meteorological parameters (wind velocity, temperature, relative humidity, precipitation, solar radiation and atmospheric pressure), in order to investigate the sources and factors affecting particulate pollution in large European cities. Principal component and regression analyses are therefore used to quantify the contribution of both combustion and non-combustion sources to the PM10 and PM 2.5 levels observed. The analysis reveals that the EU legislated PM 10 and PM2.5 limit values are frequently breached, forming a potential public health hazard in the areas studied. The seasonal variability patterns of particulates varies among cities and sites, with Athens and Madrid presenting higher PM10 concentrations during the warm period and suggesting the larger relative contribution of secondary and natural particles during hot and dry days. It is estimated that the contribution of non-combustion sources varies substantially among cities, sites and seasons and ranges between 38-67% and 40-62% in London, 26-50% and 20-62% in Athens, and 31-58% and 33-68% in Madrid, for both PM10 and PM 2.5. Higher contributions from non-combustion sources are found at urban background sites in all three cities, whereas in the traffic sites the seasonal differences are smaller. In addition, the non-combustion fraction of both particle metrics is higher during the warm season at all sites. On the whole, the analysis provides evidence of the substantial impact of non-combustion sources on local air quality in all three cities. While vehicular exhaust emissions carry a large part of the risk posed on human health by particle exposure, it is most likely that mitigation measures designed for their reduction will have a major effect only at traffic sites and additional measures will be necessary for the control of background levels. However, efforts in mitigation strategies should always focus on optimal health effects.

Assessment methodology applied to demand measures to change urban mobility behavior

In order to minimize car-based trips, transport planners have been particularly interested in understanding the factors that explain modal choices. Transport modelling literature has been increasingly aware that socioeconomic attributes and quantitative variables are not sufficient to characterize travelers and forecast their travel behavior. Recent studies have also recognized that users’ social interactions and land use patterns influence travel behavior, especially when changes to transport systems are introduced; but links between international and Spanish perspectives are rarely dealt with. The overall objective of the thesis is to develop a stepped methodology that integrate diverse perspectives to evaluate the willingness to change patterns of urban mobility in Madrid, based on four steps: (1st) analysis of causal relationships between both objective and subjective personal variables, and travel behavior to capture pro-car and pro-public transport intentions; (2nd) exploring the potential influence of individual trip characteristics and social influence variables on transport mode choice; (3rd) identifying built environment dimensions on travel behavior; and (4th) exploring the potential influence on transport mode choice of extrinsic characteristics of individual trip using panel data, land use variables using spatial characteristics and social influence variables. The data used for this thesis have been collected from a two panel smartphone-based survey (n=255 and 190 respondents, respectively) carried out in Madrid. Although the steps above are mainly methodological, the application to the area of Madrid allows deriving important results that can be directly used to forecast travel demand and to evaluate the benefits of specific policies that might be implemented in the area. The results demonstrated, respectively: (1st) transport policy actions are more likely to be effective when pro-car intention has been disrupted first; (2nd) the consideration of “helped” and “voluntary” users as tested here could have a positive and negative impact, respectively, on the use of public transport; (3rd) the importance of density, design, diversity and accessibility underlying dimensions responsible for land use variables; and (4th) there are clearly different types of combinations of social interactions, land use and time frame on travel behavior studies. Finally, with the objective to study the impact of demand measures to change urban mobility behavior, those previous results have been considered in a unique way, a hybrid discrete choice model has been used on a 5th step. Then it can be concluded that urban mobility behavior is not only ruled by the maximum utility criterion, but also by a strong psychological-environment concept, developed without the mediation of cognitive processes during choice, i.e., many people using public transport on their way to work do not do it for utilitarian reasons, but because no other choice is available. Regarding built environment dimensions, the more diversity place of residence, the more difficult the use of public transport or walking.

Considering cycling for commuting : the role of mode familiarity : an exploration on the (circular) relation between cycling behaviours and attitudes toward cycling in Vitoria-Gasteiz, Spain

¿La gente utiliza la bicicleta porque les gusta? ¿O es el propio hecho de usarla la razón por la que les gusta hacerlo? ¿O es una combinación de las dos? Este tipo de preguntas reflejan un problema que se puede llamar ‘el círculo de la consideración de la bicicleta’: para poder considerar el uso de la bicicleta en el conjunto de posibles opciones a escoger, un individuo tiene que tener creencias positivas sobre ella, sobre todo en el caso de ‘contextos de bajo uso’. Pero parece poco probable que se formen creencias positivas cuando hay bajos niveles de familiaridad al modo, es decir, con un bajo conocimiento de sus características, su funcionamiento y del imaginario asociado; al mismo tiempo, la familiaridad irá alcanzando niveles más altos conforme aumente el tiempo y la intensidad con la que se utilice la bicicleta a lo largo de la vida de los individuos. El problema parece un circulo recursivo huevo-gallina, ya que es difícil que alguien considere el usar la bicicleta en lugares donde su uso es una práctica poco extendida. En estos lugares, y dentro del conglomerado actual de tecnologías, infraestructuras, reglas, prácticas de los usuarios y preferencias culturales que se han desarrollado alrededor del automóvil (el actual "sistema socio-técnico de la movilidad urbana", Urry 2004; Geels 2005, 2012) usar la bicicleta es considerado por la mayoría como algo difícil, inseguro, y anormal. Como consecuencia, los procesos de aumento de familiaridad con la bicicleta permanecen inactivos. La tesis asume la familiaridad como una fuente de información e influencia sobre las creencias positivas sobre la bicicleta. En ‘contextos de bajo uso’, sin familiaridad al uso de la bicicleta, estas creencias sólo pueden surgir de ciertos rasgos personales (afecto, valores, identidades, voluntad, etc.). Tal como han evidenciado investigaciones recientes, en estos contextos la posibilidad de considerar el uso de la bicicleta (y su eventual adopción), se circunscribe principalmente a los ‘entusiastas’, a los que están dispuestos a “ir contra corriente” (Horton & Parkin 2012), limitando el alcance de las políticas de promoción. La investigación llevada a cabo en esta tesis ofrece un nuevo enfoque al problema del ‘círculo de la consideración de la bicicleta’. Para ello, plantea un modelo en el que se introduce a la familiaridad como un constructo que media entre el comportamiento final –qué modo de transporte elige el individuo– y el conjunto de constructos psicosociales que preceden la elección modal (creencias y actitudes). La familiaridad al uso de la bicicleta se concibe como una medida de la intensidad relativa del uso de una bicicleta, real y percibida (basándose en Diana & Mokhtarian 2009) que puede formarse de manera distinta según sus fines (utilitarios o no utilitarios). El constructo familiaridad con el modo bicicleta está relacionado con la cantidad de tiempo, la intensidad y la regularidad con la que un individuo ha hecho uso de la bicicleta a lo largo de su vida. La familiaridad se concibe así como una condición que permite definir adecuadamente el contexto en el que se toman las decisiones modales de los individuos, en línea con investigaciones que postulan patrones de causalidad alternativos entre los procesos cognitivos de elección y los comportamientos modales (Tardif 1977; Dobson et al. 1978; Golob et al. 1979; Golob 2001; Schwanen et al. 2012; Diana et al. 2009; Vij & Walker 2014). De este modo se plantea que el esquema unidireccional actitudesconductas podría no ser completamente valido en el caso de la consideración de la bicicleta, explorando la hipótesis que sean las propias conductas a influenciar la formación de las actitudes. En esta tesis, el constructo de familiaridad se articula teórica y metodológicamente, y se emplea un instrumento de diseño transversal para contrastarlo. Los resultados de una encuesta telefónica a una muestra representativa de 736 personas en la ciudad española de Vitoria-Gasteiz proveen evidencias que sugieren –aunque de forma preliminar– que la familiaridad juega un papel de mediadora en la relación entre la utilización de la bicicleta y la formación de las creencias y actitudes hacia el su uso. La tesis emplea mediciones para cada individuo con respecto tanto a su consideración como a su familiaridad al uso de la bicicleta. Éstas mediciones se definen haciendo uso del análisis factorial exploratorio (AFE). Por un lado, el AFE arroja una estructura del constructo ‘consideración’ formada por cuatro factores, tres de ellos asociados con elementos positivos y uno con elementos negativos: (1) de cómo el uso de la bicicleta se considera verde e inteligente (G&S); (2) sobre su carácter agradable y adecuado (P&S); (3) sobre su eficacia como modo de transporte para ir al trabajo (E); y (4) sobre los principales inconvenientes de su uso, es decir, las dificultades implícitas (sudoración y estar expuestos a las inclemencias del tiempo) y la sensación de inseguridad que genera (sentirse en riesgo de accidentes y estresarse por el tráfico) (D&T). Por otro lado, la familiaridad al uso de la bicicleta se mide en dos distintas variables ordinales (según se base en el uso utilitario o no utilitario). Como resultado, se puede hablar de que cada individuo se encuentra en una de las siguientes cuatro etapas en orden creciente hacia una familiaridad completa al modo: no familiarizados; apenas familiarizados; moderadamente familiarizados; totalmente familiarizados. El análisis de los datos de los cuatro grupos de sujetos de la muestra, –definidos de acuerdo con cada una de las cuatro etapas de familiaridad definidas– ha evidenciado la existencia de diferencias intergrupo estadísticamente significativas, especialmente para la medida relacionada con el uso utilitario. Asimismo, las personas en los niveles inferiores de familiaridad tienen una consideración menor de los aspectos positivos de la bicicleta y por el contrario presentan preocupaciones mayores hacia las características negativas respecto a aquellas personas que están más familiarizados en el uso utilitario. El uso, aunque esporádico, de una bicicleta para fines utilitarios (ir de compras, hacer recados, etc.), a diferencia de no usarla en absoluto, aparece asociado a unas puntuaciones significativamente más altas en los tres factores positivos (G&S, E, P&S), mientras que parece estar asociado a puntuaciones significativamente más bajas en el factor relacionado con las características negativas (D&U). Aparecen resultados similares cuando se compara un uso moderado, con uno esporádico, sobre todo con respecto a la consideración de las características negativas. Los resultados de esta tesis están en línea con la literatura anterior que se ha basado en variables similares (por ejemplo, de Geus et al. 2008; Stinson & Bhat 2003, 2004; Hunt & Abraham 2006; y van Bekkum et al. 2011a, entre otros), pero en este estudio las diferencias se observan en un contexto de bajo uso y se derivan de un análisis de toda la población de personas que se desplazan a su lugar de trabajo o estudio, lo cual eleva la fiabilidad de los resultados. La posibilidad de que unos niveles más altos de uso de la bicicleta para fines utilitarios puedan llevar a niveles más positivos de su consideración abre el camino a implicaciones teóricas y de políticas que se discuten en la tesis. Con estos resultados se argumenta que el enfoque convencional basado en el cambio de actitudes puede no ser el único y prioritario para lograr cambios a la hora de fomentar el uso de la bicicleta. Los resultados apuntan al potencial de otros esquemas de causalidad, basados en patrones de influencia más descentrados y distribuidos, y que adopten una mirada más positiva hacia los hábitos de transporte, conceptualizándolos como “inteligencia encarnada y pre-reflexiva” (Schwanen et al. 2012). Tales esquemas conducen a un enfoque más práctico para la promoción del uso de la bicicleta, con estrategias que podrían basarse en acciones de ‘degustación’ de su uso o de mayor ‘exposición’ a su uso. Is the fact that people like cycling the reason for them to cycle? Or is the fact that they do cycle the reason for them to like cycling? Or is a combination of the two? This kind of questions reflect a problem that can be called ‘the cycle of cycling consideration’: in order to consider cycling in the set of possible options to be chosen, an individual needs to have positive beliefs about it, especially in the case of ‘low-cycling contexts’. However, positive beliefs seem unlikely to be formed with low levels of mode familiarity, say, with a low acquaintance with mode features, functioning and images; at the same time, higher levels of familiarity are likely to be reached if cycling is practised over relative threshold levels of intensities and extensively across individual life courses. The problem looks like a chicken-egg recursive cycle, since the latter condition is hardly met in places where cycling is little practised. In fact, inside the current conglomerate of technologies, infrastructures, regulations, user practices, cultural preferences that have grown around the automobile (the current “socio-technical system of urban mobility”, Urry 2004; Geels 2005, 2012) cycling is commonly considered as difficult, unsafe, and abnormal. Consequently, the processes of familiarity forming remain disabled, and, as a result, beliefs cannot rely on mode familiarity as a source of information and influence. Without cycling familiarity, origins of positive beliefs are supposed to rely only on personal traits (affect, values, identities, willingness, etc.), which, in low-cycling contexts, confine the possibility of cycling consideration (and eventual adoption) mainly to ‘cycling enthusiasts’ who are willing to “go against the grain” (Horton & Parkin 2012), as it results from previous research. New research conducted by author provides theoretical insights for a different approach of the cycling consideration problem in which the presence of the new construct of cycling familiarity is hypothesised in the relationship between mode choice behaviour and the set of psychosocial constructs that are supposed to precede it (beliefs and attitudes). Cycling familiarity is conceived as a measure of the real and the perceived relative intensity of use of a bicycle (building upon Diana & Mokhtarian 2009) which may be differently formed for utilitarian or non-utilitarian purposes. The construct is assumed to be related to the amount of time, the intensity and the regularity an individual spends in using a bicycle for the two distinct categories of purposes, gaining in this way a certain level of acquaintance with the mode. Familiarity with a mode of transport is conceived as an enabling condition to properly define the decision-making context in which individual travel mode choices are taken, in line with rather disperse research efforts postulating inverse relationships between mode behaviours and mode choices (Tardiff 1977; Dobson et al. 1978; Golob et al. 1979; Golob 2001; Schwanen et al. 2012; Diana et al. 2009; Vij & Walker 2014). The new construct is built theoretically and methodologically, and a cross-sectional design instrument is employed. Results from a telephone survey in a representative sample of 736 commuters in the Spanish city of Vitoria-Gasteiz, provide suggestive –although preliminary– evidence on the role of mode familiarity as a mediator in the relationship between cycling use and the formation of beliefs and attitudes toward cycling. Measures of both cycling consideration and cycling familiarity are defined making use of exploratory factor analysis. On the one hand, four distinct cycling consideration measures are created, based on attitude expressions on four underlying factors relating to the cycling commuting behaviour: on how cycling commuting is considered green and smart (G&S); on its pleasant and suited character (P&S); on its efficiency as a mode of transport for commuting (E); and on the main drawbacks of its use, namely the difficulties implied (sweating and being exposed to adverse weather conditions) and the sense of unsafety it generates (feeling at risk of accidents and getting stressed by traffic) (D&U). On the other hand, dimensions of cycling familiarity are measured on two distinct ordinal variables (whether based on the utilitarian or non-utilitarian use) comprising four stages to a complete mode familiarity: not familiar; barely familiar; moderately familiar; fully familiar. For each of the four stages of cycling familiarity defined, statistical significant differences are found, especially for the measure related to the utilitarian use. Consistently, people at the lower levels of cycling familiarity have a lower consideration of the positive aspects of cycling and conversely they exhibit higher concerns towards the negative characteristics than those individuals that are more familiar in utilitarian cycling. Using a bicycle occasionally for practical purposes, as opposed to not using it at all, seems associated to significant higher scores in the three positive factors (G&S, E, P&S) while it appears to be associated to significant lower scores in the factor relating with the negative characteristics of cycling commuting (D&U). A same pattern also occurs with a moderate use, as opposed to an occasional one, especially for the consideration of the negative characteristics. The results are in line with previous literature based on similar variables (e.g. de Geus et al. 2008; Stinson & Bhat 2003, 2004; Hunt & Abraham 2006; and van Bekkum et al. 2011a, among others), but in this study the differences are observed in a low-cycling context and derive from an analysis of the entire population of commuters, which rises the reliability of results.