Dignity and the Eighth Amendment: A New Approach to Challenging Solitary Confinement

The use of solitary confinement in U.S. prisons and jails has come under increasing scrutiny. Over the past few months, Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy all but invited constitutional challenges to the use of solitary confinement, while President Obama asked, “Do we really think it makes sense to lock so many people alone in tiny cells for 23 hours a day for months, sometime for years at a time?” Even some of the most notorious prisons and jails, including California’s Pelican Bay State Prison and New York’s Rikers Island, are reforming their use of solitary confinement because of successful litigation and public outcry. Rovner suggests that in light of these developments and “the Supreme Court’s increasing reliance on human dignity as a substantive value underlying and animating constitutional rights,” there is a strong case to make that long-term solitary confinement violates the constitutional right to freedom from cruel and unusual punishment.

Naturalizing Immigration Imprisonment

Only recently has imprisonment become a central feature of both t across every level of government and involving civil and criminal law enforcement tools. Examining the population as a whole provides crucial insights as to how we arrived at this state of mass immigration imprisonment. While political motivations — parallel to those that fueled the rapid expansion of criminal mass incarceration — may have started the trend, this Article demonstrates that key legal and policy choices explain how imprisonment has become an entrenched feature of immigration law enforcement. In fact, legislators and immigration officials have locked themselves into this choice, as there are now literally billions of dollars, tens of thousands of prison beds, and innumerable third parties invested in maintaining and expanding the use of immigration imprisonment. Using the literature on path dependence and legal legitimacy, this Article explains the phenomenon of immigration imprisonment as a single category that spans all levels of government. Rather than continue further along this path, the Article concludes by suggesting that policymakers should seek a future reflective of immigration law enforcement’s past when imprisonment was the exception rather than the norm.

El alcaide y la cárcel de la Chancillería de Valladolid a finales del siglo XVIII. Usos y abusos

Este trabajo se adentra en el estudio de la cárcel y su alcaide, vistos como agente y espacio jurisdiccional que forman parte de la maquinaria de un tribunal, en concreto del de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid, y que han sido concebidos para estar a su servicio. De tal manera, que son sus Alcaldes del Crimen los que articulan con sus autos el funcionamiento del espacio carcelario, pero a su autoridad se le superpone en lo cotidiano la directa del alcaide. La organización de este espacio, el uso y el abuso de la condición del alcaide, los elementos de que se sirve para llevar a cabo sus funciones, la conflictividad en este recinto y los intentos de fuga son actores del análisis concreto de una práctica carcelaria, en un momento en que la teoría sobre el delito y la pena, y el papel de las cárceles se está revisando en toda Europa.

Letters to family members, 1799

Four letters dated March 11, 1799, written from debtors' prison ("Debtors' Apartment") in Philadelphia. Includes descriptions of his life in the prison and fellow prisoners.

Particulars of the trial and execution of George Partridge, aged 21: who was executed at Bury-St.-Edmund's, on Monday last, for the wilful murder of George Ansell, aged 9 years, within a few miles of Polstead, the late scene of Maria Martin's murder. Also, the prisoner's confession

Date of imprint from execution date, April 13, 1829 -- Capital Punishment UK site via WWW, viewed December 14, 2007.

“Vivre en probation” : l’expérience de la probation et sa place dans la trajectoire de vie des contrevenants

La probation est aujourd’hui profondément ancrée dans notre système de justice pénale. Parmi les programmes de surveillance communautaire (probation, condamnation avec sursis ou libération conditionnelle), elle constitue de loin le programme le plus commun, avec près de 98 000 contrevenants adultes soit 61 % de la population adulte placée sous surveillance correctionnelle au Canada. Pour autant, les chercheurs ne manifestent depuis plusieurs décennies que peu d’intérêt pour la question. La mesure se banalisant, la recherche s’étiole. L’orientation de la recherche a amené le sujet à la marge des études sur la punition. En réponse à une demande existante (Phelps, 2015), ce mémoire est guidé par une approche sociologique centrée sur l’échelle individuelle, au niveau macroscopique. Il vise à la compréhension de l’expérience des contrevenants placés en probation.

Helping Moldova stay on the EU course. Proposals for a real 'more for more' approach. EPC Policy Brief, 11 December 2013

At the Vilnius Eastern Partnership (EaP) Summit in November, Moldova initialled its Association Agreement including a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) with the EU and became the first EaP country to meet all the requirements of their Visa Liberalisation Action Plan. 2014 may prove to be a make or break year for Moldova, with Chisinau facing a number of serious challenges. From the EU’s point of view, it could also prove to be a make or break year for the Eastern Partnership. The period following Vilnius should be a soul-searching time for the EU. Of the three pillars (AA, DCFTA, visa regime) of the Eastern Partnership, two are now being openly challenged by Russia. While the EU should not engage in a populist competition with Russia, it does need to adapt its actions to the realities on the ground. In this Policy Brief, Cristian Ghinea, Amanda Paul and Victor Chirila argue that the EU should work for greater visibility, better public diplomacy and deliver visible, tangible benefits to the Moldovan population as rapidly as possible. Not only will this help counter Russian activities, but it will also help shore up support for pro-EU reformers in the country.

Euro 2012 – Ukraine’s wasted opportunity? OSW Commentary 80, 2012-06.08

Ukraine saw hosting the European Football Championship as an important project in terms of image-building and modernisation from the very beginning. The country’s government assumed, during the presidency of Viktor Yushchenko and Viktor Yanukovych alike, that Euro 2012 would provide a major impulse for economic development and show that the young Ukrainian state was capable of successfully preparing one of the most important sport tournaments in the world. Although UEFA’s decision raised eyebrows both in the West and in Ukraine, after initial delays the work gained momentum and, shortly before the championship, Ukraine’s progress could be evaluated as being satisfactory at the least. As part of the preparations, four stadiums were built or modernised, four airports in the host cities were developed and 1,600 km of roads were repaired or built from the ground up. The investments have doubtlessly contributed to an improvement of the infrastructure in Ukraine, but it would be rather inaccurate to say that Euro 2012 has brought about a real modernisation of the country. The funds allocated for the preparations were relatively modest, and part of them was spent in a non-transparent way, which gives rise to suspicions of corruption. The chance to improve Ukraine’s perception in the West has been to a great extent lost due to the trial of the former prime minister, Yulia Tymoshenko, who was sentenced to seven years in prison in October 2011. Over the past few weeks, Euro 2012 as a sports event has been overshadowed by discussions among Western politicians and in the Western media about rising authoritarian tendencies in Ukraine. In turn, football is currently treated as a minor issue in Ukraine’s internal politics. The government has so far not used Euro 2012 to improve its popularity although hosting it is supported by a clear majority of the Ukrainian public. It is still an open question as to whether the Ukrainian government will try to capitalise politically on this sports event; this is especially significant as parliamentary elections are approaching.

Did Egypt's Parliamentary Election just trump citizens’ rights? Arab Citizenship Review No. 12, 19 November 2015

Since the Muslim Brotherhood rule was toppled in July 2013, the regime of President Abd al-Fattah al-Sisi has strived to consolidate his one-man rule; he painted the political opposition and civil society as traitors and foreign agents and exploited the fight against terrorism to suppress freedom of expression, justify a crackdown on the press, eclipse justice in courtrooms, throw thousands in prison, and tighten his grip on police forces. The regime has postponed parliamentary elections for some time, while it marginalised and weakened the non-Islamist political parties that helped Sisi take power. He did so by promoting electoral lists with candidates who are loyal to the president, to ensure control over the new assembly and by obstructing any political alliance that could form an opposition. At the same time, the security apparatus has been given free rein to control the public sphere and engineer the electoral process. This may ultimately lead to a parliament that includes no advocates for rights and liberties, which is particularly significant since the incoming assembly will review the huge amount of legislation that President Sisi has issued in the absence of a parliament. In addition, shortly before elections, President Sisi raised questions about the constitution, calling for it to be amended to reduce the powers of the parliament and increase those of the president. It is thus clear that Sisi seeks not only to consolidate his regime, without political opposition, but to free his rule of any effective oversight from society or parliament.

“Vivre en probation” : l’expérience de la probation et sa place dans la trajectoire de vie des contrevenants

La probation est aujourd’hui profondément ancrée dans notre système de justice pénale. Parmi les programmes de surveillance communautaire (probation, condamnation avec sursis ou libération conditionnelle), elle constitue de loin le programme le plus commun, avec près de 98 000 contrevenants adultes soit 61 % de la population adulte placée sous surveillance correctionnelle au Canada. Pour autant, les chercheurs ne manifestent depuis plusieurs décennies que peu d’intérêt pour la question. La mesure se banalisant, la recherche s’étiole. L’orientation de la recherche a amené le sujet à la marge des études sur la punition. En réponse à une demande existante (Phelps, 2015), ce mémoire est guidé par une approche sociologique centrée sur l’échelle individuelle, au niveau macroscopique. Il vise à la compréhension de l’expérience des contrevenants placés en probation.

Rules of the District court of the United States for the Southern district of Indiana.

Mode of access: Internet.

Bankruptcy rules of the United States District court for the district of Idaho.

Mode of access: Internet.

Rules of civil procedure, effective July 1, A. D. 1941.

Mode of access: Internet.

Rules of the District court of the United States for the district of Puerto Rico.

Mode of access: Internet.

Rules of the United States District court for the Western district of Wisconsin.

Mode of access: Internet.