Lessons of peace in Aceh: administrative decentralization and political freedom as a strategy of pacification in Aceh

This working paper shows the evolution of the Aceh conflict until its peaceful resolution in 2005. The key factors in the success of this peace process have been the confluence of several factors related to the internal and external dynamics of the country, including the new political leadership, the decreasing role of the military power, the international support and the meeting of the objectives of both groups, and so on. The end of the conflict in Aceh shows that the administrative decentralization and the promotion of the political participation of the main actors involved have made possible the development of a solid alternative to the arms strategy of conflict resolution used for years in Indonesia.

What are the causes of educational inequalities and of their evolution over time in Europe? Evidence from PISA

This paper provides evidence on the sources of differences in inequalities in educational scores in European Union member states, by decomposing them into their determining factors. Using PISA data from the 2000 and 2006 waves, the paper shows that inequalities emerge in all countries and in both period, but decreased in Germany, whilst they increased in France and Italy. Decomposition shows that educational inequalities do not only reflect background related inequality, but especially schools’ characteristics. The findings allow policy makers to target areas that may make a contribution in reducing educational inequalities.

Possibilitats i límits de la democràcia deliberativa

La meva investigació s’articula entorn a l’obra del filòsof alemany Jürgen Habermas. L’aportació filosòfica més important de Habermas ha estat l’elaboració d’una racionalitat discursiva. Aquesta nova manera d’entendre la raó com a discurs ha tingut importants repercussions en l’àmbit de la filosofia i de les ciències socials en general. La primera part de la meva investigació analitza l’obra de Habermas, posant èmfasi en el procés de configuració d’aquesta racionalitat discursiva. Aquest primer període culmina amb la presentació de la tesina “Introducció al pensament i l’obra de Jürgen Habermas”. Com a resultat d’aquesta investigació, la meva recerca es centrarà, primer, en les nocions habermasianes de publicitat (Öffentlichkeit) i d’opinió pública (öffentliche Meinung) i, finalment, en l’anomenada democràcia deliberativa. Per tant, la recerca consta de dos part estretament relacionades: (1) un anàlisi del procés de configuració d’una raó discursiva en l’obra de Habermas; (2) una valoració crítica dels límits i les possibilitats de la democràcia deliberativa en les societats contemporànies. Aquesta darrera fase d’investigació –en la qual treballo actualment– s’endinsa en el debat dels “teòrics deliberatius”. Entre d’altres, aprofundeix en les repercussions ètiques i polítiques d’una relació problemàtica entre esfera pública i esfera privada. Desfer aquesta problemàtica passa per repensar l’exigència d’una racionalitat imparcial que, alhora, sigui Desfer aquesta problemàtica capaç de garantir la participació democràtica de la ciutadania en el context actual, on el pluralisme de valors ha esdevingut un dels fenòmens vertebradors de les societats contemporànies.

Gender gap index in Spain by regions

Every year, the World Economic Forum publishes the World Gender Gap Report mainly based on the results of the Global Gender Gap Index (GGGI) computed by country. This index is made out of four subindexes to capture the magnitude of the gender gap in 4 areas: educational attainment, economic participation and opportunity, political empowerment, and health and survival; its methodology was reformed in 2006. In this paper we adapt the GGGI to construct a Regional Gender Gap Index (RGGI) and we compute it by regions (Comunidades Autónomas) in Spain with 2006 data. The RGGI could be applied to other regions. Results of the RGGI show that not only are there gender gap differences between Spanish regions in Spain, but that there are at the political empowerment and economic participation and opportunity categories that those differences are strongest. Geographic distribution of the gender gap shows that the deepest gaps are, in general, located in the northern regions (Euskadi, with a high score, and Murcia and Extremadura, with low scores, being exceptions); this is mainly due to the poor participation in politics of women in those regions.

A Political Agency Model of Coattail Voting

In this paper, I provide a formal justi…cation for a well-established coattail effect, when a popular candidate at one branch of government attracts votes to candidates from the same political party for other branches of government. A political agency frame- work with moral hazard is applied to analyze coattails in simultaneous presidential and congressional elections. I show that coattail voting is a natural outcome of the optimal reelection scheme adopted by a representative voter to motivate politicians' efforts in a retrospective voting environment. I assume that an office-motivated politician (executive or congressman) prefers her counterpart to be affiliated with the same political party. This correlation of incentives leads the voter to adopt a joint performance evaluation rule, which is conditioned on the politicians belonging to the same party or different parties. The two-sided coattail effects then arise. On the one hand, the executive's suc- cess/failure props up/drags down her partisan ally in congressional election, which implies presidential coattails. On the other hand, the executive's reelection itself is affected by the congressman's performance, which results in reverse coattails. JEL classi…fication: D72, D86. Keywords: Coattail voting; Presidential coattails; Reverse coattails; Simultaneous elections; Political Agency; Retrospective voting.

Changing Religiosity, Changing Politics? The Influence of 'Belonging' and 'Believing' on Political Attitudes in Switzerland

Starting from theories of secularization and of religious individualization, we propose a two-dimensional typology of religiosity and test its impact on political attitudes. Unlike classic conceptions of religiosity used in political studies, our typology simultaneously accounts for an individual's sense of belonging to the church (institutional dimension) and his/her personal religious beliefs (spiritual dimension). Our analysis, based on data from the World Values Survey in Switzerland (1989-2007), shows two main results. First, next to evidence of religious decline, we also find evidence of religious change with an increase in the number of people who "believe without belonging." Second, non-religious individuals and individuals who believe without belonging are significantly more permissive on issues of cultural liberalism than followers of institutionalized forms of religiosity.