790 resultados para Political Theory Ethics Political Philosophy Public Policy
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This paper reviews the economic framework for the delivery of livestock services to the poor. It is argued that the demand for livestock products is likely to increase rapidly and the ability of the poor to participate in the opportunities presented by this growth is linked critically to the availability of good service support, both on the input and output side. Governments therefore have a responsibility to supply the necessary public goods (including the institutions and legal frameworks), and the market infrastructure for facilitating the emergence of efficient markets for livestock services. The paper further argues that the dynamics of public policy in developing countries are much more complex than the simple application of economic logic. It is the larger political economy that often dictates policy choices. It is therefore important to integrate political economy and governance issues into the economic debate on livestock service delivery. The paper also reviews the context in which the markets for livestock services will need to function. Different countries are facing very different sets of issues, and the identification of possible interventions in livestock service markets would require careful field research and analysis. In this context, the paper suggests the elements of a research agenda for the next few years.
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We are experiencing an explosion of knowledge with relevance to conserving biodiversity and protecting the environment necessary to sustain life on earth. Many science disciplines are involved in generating this ne, knowledge and real progress can be made when scientists collaborate across disciplines to generate both macro- and micro-environmental knowledge and then communicate and interact with specialists in sociology, economics and public policy. An important requirement is that the often complex scientific concepts and their voluminous supporting data are managed in such ways as to make them accessible across the many specializations involved. Horticultural science has much to contribute to the knowledge base for environmental conservation. While it seems that production horticulture has been slow to embrace knowledge and concepts that would reduce the heavy reliance on agricultural chemicals, the use of peat as a growing medium, and lead to more sustainable use of water and other resources, environmental horticulture is providing valuable opportunities to rescue or protect endangered species, educate the public about plants and plant science, and demonstrate environmental stewardship and sustainable production practices. Likewise, social horticulture is drawing, attention to the many contributions of horticultural foods and parks and gardens to human health and welfare. Overall, horticulture has a vital role to play in integrating, knowledge from other scientific, social, economic and political disciplines.
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G.A. Cohen's Rescuing Justice and Equality is the culmination of twenty years' work on Rawls's theory of justice. In this paper I distinguish three prongs of attack advanced by Cohen, and show how two of the prongs (the claim that egalitarianism includes productive demands and the claim that equality is best understood as 'luck egalitarianism') are incompatible.
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With rising public awareness of climate change, celebrities have become an increasingly important community of non nation-state ‘actors’ influencing discourse and action, thereby comprising an emergent climate science–policy–celebrity complex. Some feel that these amplified and prominent voices contribute to greater public understanding of climate change science, as well as potentially catalyze climate policy cooperation. However, critics posit that increased involvement from the entertainment industry has not served to influence substantive long-term advancements in these arenas; rather, it has instead reduced the politics of climate change to the domain of fashion and fad, devoid of political and public saliency. Through tracking media coverage in Australia, Canada, the United States, and United Kingdom, we map out the terrain of a ‘Politicized Celebrity System’ in attempts to cut through dualistic characterizations of celebrity involvement in politics. We develop a classification system of the various types of climate change celebrity activities, and situate movements in contemporary consumer- and spectacle-driven carbon-based society. Through these analyses, we place dynamic and contested interactions in a spatially and temporally-sensitive ‘Cultural Circuits of Climate Change Celebrities’ model. In so doing, first we explore how these newly ‘authorized’ speakers and ‘experts’ might open up spaces in the public sphere and the science/policy nexus through ‘celebritization’ effects. Second, we examine how the celebrity as the ‘heroic individual’ seeking ‘conspicuous redemption’ may focus climate change actions through individualist frames. Overall, this paper explores potential promises, pitfalls and contradictions of this increasingly entrenched set of ‘agents’ in the cultural politics of climate change. Thus, as a form of climate change action, we consider whether it is more effective to ‘plant’ celebrities instead of trees.
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This perspectives paper and its associated commentaries examine Alan Rugman's conceptual contribution to international business scholarship. Most significantly, we highlight Rugman's version of internalization theory as an approach that integrates transaction cost economics and ‘classical’ internalization theory with elements from the resource-based view, such that it is especially relevant to strategic management. In reviewing his oeuvre, we also offer observations on his ideas for ‘new internalization theory’. We classify his other novel insights into four categories: Network Multinationals; National competitiveness; Development and public policy; and Emerging Economy MNEs. This special section offers multiple views on how his work informed the larger academic debate and considers how these ideas might evolve in the longer term.
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This article contrasts the sense in which those whom Bernard Williams called ‘political realists’ and John Rawls are committed to the idea that political philosophy has to be distinctively political. Distinguishing the realist critique of political moralism from debates over ideal and non-ideal theory, it is argued that Rawls is more realist than many realists realise, and that realists can learn more about how to make a distinctively political vision of how our life together should be organised from his theorising, although it also points to a worrying tendency among Rawlsians to reach for inappropriately moralised arguments. G. A. Cohen’s advocacy of socialism and the second season of HBO’s The Wire are used as examples to illustrate these points.
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Families in market economies worldwide have long been confronted with the demands of participating in paid work and providing care for their dependent members. The social, economic and political contexts within which families do so differ from country to country but an increasing number of governments are being asked to engage, or better engage, with this important area of public policy. What seems like a relatively simple goal – to enable families to better balance care-giving and paid employment – has raised several difficulties and dilemmas for policy makers which have been approached in different ways. This paper aims to identify and critique the nature and development of the means by which legal engagement with work-family reconciliation has, historically, been framed in the European Union. In doing so, and with reference to specific cohorts of workers, we demonstrate how disjointed the strategies are in relation to working carers and argue that the EU is unlikely to provide the legal framework necessary to bring about effective change in this fundamentally important area of social policy.
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I consider the case for genuinely anonymous web searching. Big data seems to have it in for privacy. The story is well known, particularly since the dawn of the web. Vastly more personal information, monumental and quotidian, is gathered than in the pre-digital days. Once gathered it can be aggregated and analyzed to produce rich portraits, which in turn permit unnerving prediction of our future behavior. The new information can then be shared widely, limiting prospects and threatening autonomy. How should we respond? Following Nissenbaum (2011) and Brunton and Nissenbaum (2011 and 2013), I will argue that the proposed solutions—consent, anonymity as conventionally practiced, corporate best practices, and law—fail to protect us against routine surveillance of our online behavior. Brunton and Nissenbaum rightly maintain that, given the power imbalance between data holders and data subjects, obfuscation of one’s online activities is justified. Obfuscation works by generating “misleading, false, or ambiguous data with the intention of confusing an adversary or simply adding to the time or cost of separating good data from bad,” thus decreasing the value of the data collected (Brunton and Nissenbaum, 2011). The phenomenon is as old as the hills. Natural selection evidently blundered upon the tactic long ago. Take a savory butterfly whose markings mimic those of a toxic cousin. From the point of view of a would-be predator the data conveyed by the pattern is ambiguous. Is the bug lunch or potential last meal? In the light of the steep costs of a mistake, the savvy predator goes hungry. Online obfuscation works similarly, attempting for instance to disguise the surfer’s identity (Tor) or the nature of her queries (Howe and Nissenbaum 2009). Yet online obfuscation comes with significant social costs. First, it implies free riding. If I’ve installed an effective obfuscating program, I’m enjoying the benefits of an apparently free internet without paying the costs of surveillance, which are shifted entirely onto non-obfuscators. Second, it permits sketchy actors, from child pornographers to fraudsters, to operate with near impunity. Third, online merchants could plausibly claim that, when we shop online, surveillance is the price we pay for convenience. If we don’t like it, we should take our business to the local brick-and-mortar and pay with cash. Brunton and Nissenbaum have not fully addressed the last two costs. Nevertheless, I think the strict defender of online anonymity can meet these objections. Regarding the third, the future doesn’t bode well for offline shopping. Consider music and books. Intrepid shoppers can still find most of what they want in a book or record store. Soon, though, this will probably not be the case. And then there are those who, for perfectly good reasons, are sensitive about doing some of their shopping in person, perhaps because of their weight or sexual tastes. I argue that consumers should not have to pay the price of surveillance every time they want to buy that catchy new hit, that New York Times bestseller, or a sex toy.
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Taking Sweden into the future – Bio-objectification of new medical technology In this article, we analyze how contemporary discursive silences around new biotechnologies such as cybrids and induced pluripotent stem cells (iPSC), have been enabled by earlier policy processes in the area, e.g. boundary work around what is human and non-human, living and non-living, subject and object. The analysis of policy processes around xenotransplantations and the use of human embryonic stem cells, shows that the stem cells’ and xenografts’ “bio-identities” become stabilized through high expectations for the future, a lack of therapeutic possibilities and struggles over definitions of life. The policy processes around human embryonic stem cells and organs from other animals, are characterized by a normalization of certain understandings of ”life”, trust in scientific progress and it’s national financial potentials and a categorization of criticism as irrational. Through these “bio-objectification processes”, debate and decision making has been moved from a political and public context into ethical committees and research funding bodies. The article concludes by discussing consequences of this political non-handling of biomedical technologies and how these bioobjects could be re-politicized.
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So the question that animates this paper is this: what happens when a state's education policy seeks to make popular social and religious values a central part of its education standards in direct confrontation with the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution? I will try to answer that question in three ways. First, I will examine the tactics used in the manipulation of curricula to reflect social and religious values, with special focus on the Kansas case. Second, I will try to ascertain the determinants of success in these efforts; under what conditions are movements to impose creation science on public school curricula likely to succeed, and when to fail? Third, I will try to place these struggles over educational curricula, and between religion and science, in broader context, focusing on what they tell us about the nature of public policy making in the contemporary United States.
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The problem of semantics is inherent in any discussion of ethics. The general term "ethics" is itself commonly confused. In addition, systems of ethics must be built upon assumptions, and assumptions are necessarily subject to lengthy debate. These two problems are encountered in my investigation of the ethical practices of the modern business community and to remedy the situation I have taken two steps: the first being an attempt to clarify the meaning of terms used therein;-and the second being a clear description of the assumptions utilized to further my analysis. To satisfy those who would disagree with these assumptions, I have attempted to outline the consequences of differing premises. The first assumption in my discussion is that the capitalistic economy is powered by the motivation supplied by man's self-interest. We are conditioned to basing our courses of action upon an orientation toward gratifying this self-interest. Careers are chosen by blending aptitude, interest, and remuneration. of course, some people are less materially inclined than others, but the average member of our capitalistic society is concerned with the physical rewards derived from his employment. Status and happiness are all-important considerations in pursuing a chosen course of action, yet all too often they are measured in physical terms. The normal self-interest natural to mankind is heightened in capitalism, due to the emphasis placed upon material compensation. Our thinking becomes mechanistic as life devolves into a complex game played by the rules. We are accustomed to performing meaningless or unpleasant duties to fulfill our gratifications. Thought, consequently, interferes with the completion of our everyday routines. We learn quickly not to be outspoken, as the outspoken one threatens the security of his fellow man. The majority of the people are quite willing to accept others views on morality, and indeed this is the sensible thing to do as one does not risk his own neck. The unfortunate consequence of this situation has been the substitution of the legal and jural for the moral and ethical. Our actions are guided by legal considerations and nowhere has this been more evident than in the business community. The large legal departments of modern corporations devote full time to inspecting the legality of corporate actions. The business community has become preoccupied with the law, yet this is necessarily so. Complex, modern, capitalistic society demands an elaborate framework of rules and regulations. Without this framework it would be impossible to have an orderly economy, to say nothing of protecting the best interests of the people. However, the inherent complexities, contradictions, and sometimes unfair aspects of our legal system can tempt men to take things into their own hands. From time to time cases arise where men have broken laws while acting in good faith, and other cases where men have been extremely unethical without being illegal. Examples such as these foster the growth of cynicism, and generally create an antagonistic attitude toward the law on the part of business. My second assumption is that the public, on the whole, has adopted an apathetic attitude toward business morality. when faced with an ethical problem, far too many people choose to cynically assume that, if I don't do it someone else will. "The danger of such an assumption lies in that it eliminates many of the inhibitions that normally would preclude unethical action. The preventative factor in contemplating an unethical act not only lies in it going against the "right course of action", but also in that it would display the actor as one of the few, immoral practitioners. However, if the contemplator feels that many other people follow the same course of action, he would not feel himself to be so conspicuous. These two assumptions underly my entire discussion of modern business ethics., and in my judgment are the two most important causal factors in unethical acts perpetrated by the business community. The future elimination of these factors seems improbable, if not futile, yet there is no reason to consider things worse than they ever have been before. The heightened public interest in business morality undoubtedly lies in part in the fact that examples of corporate malpractice are of such magnitude in scope, and hence more newsworthy.
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O trabalho analisa a viabilidade de implementação de uma política pública na Cidade do Rio de Janeiro que leve em conta a descentralização municipal na área de Cultura O Brasil entra no Terceiro Milênio realizando a Reforma do Estado com reflexões de ações que estão sendo veiculadas no mundo inteiro. O fortalecimento do poder local apresenta-se como facilitador para a implementação de políticas públicas. A dinamização de uma política na área de Cultura baseada na descentralização municipal, visando à geração de maior emprego e renda nos bairros cariocas contribuirá, significativamente, para a redução de problemas sociais no Rio de Janeiro. No que tange à área Cultural, são propostas iniciativas inovadores que contemplem a realidade brasileira, valorizem talentos, reduzam custos supérfluos, proporcionem o incremento contínuo de público e platéia, disseminem cultura e o acesso popular à mesma. Devem ser modelos que contemplem as demandas das categorias profissionais afetadas às áreas de Arte e Cultura porém, o direcionamento de recursos públicos deve visar ao aumento do nível das comunidades da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro. O desenvolvimento de novos talentos ¿ de cunho popular ou erudito ¿ conjugado com a valorização de produtos culturais do folclore brasileiro e da arte popular devem ser permanentes estratégias da Política Cultural na Cidade do Rio de Janeiro.
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Este trabalho analisa a atuação do Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento (BID) quanto ao financiamento de políticas públicas, notadamente o Programa de Revitalização do Centro de São Paulo (Procentro). O período observado se estende da administração Marta Suplicy (2000 – 2004) – gestão em que ocorreu a assinatura do contrato – à administração José Serra/Gilberto Kassab (2004 – 2008). Objetiva-se avaliar a influência exercida pelo BID numa política pública específica, tendo como referência o estudo de caso do Procentro. Para tanto, optou-se por realizar entrevistas em profundidade com alguns técnicos responsáveis por diferentes áreas do Programa, por analisar fontes documentais (contratos, programas e relatórios) com vistas a identificar o tipo de linguagem utilizada pelo Banco, assim como a qualidade de suas demandas e contrapartidas para a realização da referida política publica. As observações centraram-se nas etapas de pré-aprovação e no período da assinatura do contrato; portanto, nas fases entendidas como precondições e condições respectivamente. Constatou-se que as condicionalidades são pressupostos que condicionam a assinatura do Contrato, sendo este circunscrito a um instrumento de garantia de pagamento do empréstimo, o que implica a lógica do “custo-benefício” (o Banco considera apenas, portanto, os aspectos mensuráveis). Para tanto, o Banco exige um conjunto de procedimentos gerenciais que definem o modus operandi dos financiamentos, assim como estipula como padrão formas gerenciais conhecidas como “melhores práticas”. Quanto à análise das diferentes gestões político/partidárias, foi possível observar a opção do BID por não valorizar a participação popular, bem como ignorar as demandas reivindicadas pelos movimentos sociais representantes da população pobre. Ao analisar os documentos, observou-se que o BID possui uma visão particular em relação às políticas públicas baseando-se em modelos internacionais de experiências consideradas bem-sucedidas por ele. Por fim, os documentos assinados com os governos são de difícil acesso, o que denota baixa transparência.
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Este trabalho propõe e avalia ex-ante uma política pública, denominada Sociedade de Participantes, para reduzir a desigualdade econômica no Brasil. Para tanto, inicialmente se discute os efeitos da desigualdade no tecido social e no desenvolvimento econômico de um país. Em seguida, apresenta os conceitos básicos de justiça distributiva, contrapondo os ideais da direita liberal e os da esquerda distributiva, e sustentando que a política proposta equilibra os desejos destas duas correntes. O passo seguinte é a quantificação do fenômeno econômico em pauta, a desigualdade, sendo então apresentada uma metodologia inédita no Brasil, que permite analisar a contribuição para a desigualdade de cada setor econômico e unidade geográfica da federação. Também são expostas medidas éticas de desigualdade, até agora não discutidas em nossa literatura, que possibilitam avaliar o bem-estar de uma população. A proposta é então discutida detalhadamente, sendo analisadas as políticas semelhantes que estão sendo implantadas em outros países, levantando-se os prós e contras em relação à política de renda mínima garantida e dialogando-se com as críticas contra a política proposta existentes na literatura. Para a avaliação ex-ante da Sociedade de Participantes é necessário um ferramental específico, que inclui conceitos de microssimulação e demografia, discutidos na etapa seguinte. Para sua implementação discute-se também uma mudança no sistema tributário nacional, fortemente embasado em tributos indiretos com características regressivas, e a adoção de um imposto sobre riquezas, que é quantificado no estudo. Finalmente, são apresentados os resultados, simulados entre 2008 e 2080, da avaliação ex-ante da Sociedade de Participantes, na qual se conclui que ela é altamente efetiva para combater a desigualdade e a pobreza endêmica no Brasil.
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Esta dissertação examina o processo de produção de políticas públicas de turismo no Brasil e a institucionalização de instâncias participativas em âmbito federal. Para tanto, toma como objeto de estudo o Conselho Nacional de Turismo e seu funcionamento entre os anos de 2003 e 2006, com o propósito de identificar e analisar sua dinâmica política, considerando suas atribuições e sua representatividade. Com base em parâmetros teórico-conceituais advindos da Ciência Política e da Administração Pública, estabelece seu método de análise em dois pilares: de um lado, o contexto da criação e conformação de instâncias participativas no exercício da democracia e, mais especificamente, do crescimento dos conselhos de políticas públicas como instâncias deliberativas e de outro, as dinâmicas de interação - e competição - dos atores e grupos de interesse sobre a produção das políticas públicas de uma forma geral e, mais enfaticamente, considerando as especificidades das políticas de turismo. A partir da apreciação de tais parâmetros, a pesquisa tem como objetivo construir uma análise sobre as contradições e limitações deste órgão, que se apresenta simultaneamente como um instrumento participativo no contexto da democracia deliberativa e como mecanismo de governança junto à produção das políticas públicas de turismo.