782 resultados para Political Rents in Banking,


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Political satire in dramatic form. Publication suppressed in Germany, and at the request of the German government, in France. cf. Spectator, v.53, p. 949, July 24, 1880.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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A collection of miscellaneous pamphlets on politics.

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Reprinted from the New Republic. An address delivered before the American Academy of Political Science in April 1917 is included in the appendix. cf. Introd.

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Vital Subjects: Race and Biopolitics in Italy is an interdisciplinary study of how racial and colonial discourses shaped the “making” of Italians as modern political subjects in the years between its administrative unification (1861-1870) and the end of the First World War (1919)

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Given the popularity of Korean television dramas among various age groups in other countries, one would expect to see a similar pattern of consumption across different ages in China. Instead, we see high levels of consumption of Korean dramas by a very specific demographic. Why do young Chinese females consume Korean dramas at such high levels? I argue that young Chinese women’s heavy consumption of Korean dramas that portray a particular aesthetic of self and familial resolution may be explained by a need to redress contemporary psychological issues related to gendered self-identity. I posit that the identity formation processes of this particular demographic has been shaped by changes in family dynamics that stem from social and political restructuring in the 1980s, particularly the one-child policy. Thus, this thesis explores how the consumption of Korean dramas by young females in China may be understood as an implicit interrogation of gendered identity.

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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

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The history of political and economic inequality in forest villages can shape how and why resource use conflicts arise during the evolution of national parks management. In the Philippine uplands, indigenous peoples and migrant settlers co-exist, compete over land and forest resources, and shape how managers preserve forests through national parks. This article examines how migrants have claimed lands and changed production and exchange relations among the indigenous Tagbanua to build on and benefit from otherwise coercive park management on Palawan Island, the Philippines. Migrant control over productive resources has influenced who, within each group, could sustain agriculture in the face of the state's dominant conservation narrative - valorizing migrant paddy rice and criminalizing Tagbanua swiddens. Upon settling, migrant farmers used new political and economic strengths to tap into provincial political networks in order to be hired at a national park. As a result, they were able to steer management to support paddy rice at the expense of swidden cultivation. While state conservation policy shapes how national parks impact upon local resource access and use, older political economic inequalities in forest villages build on such policies to influence how management affects the livelihoods of poor households.

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Key events in international politics, such as terrorist attacks, can be characterised as sublime: our minds clash with phenomena that supersede our cognitive abilities, triggering a range of powerful emotions, such as pain, fear and awe. Encounters with the sublime allow us an important glimpse into the contingent and often manipulative nature of representation. For centuries, philosophers have sought to learn from these experiences, but in political practice the ensuing insights are all too quickly suppressed and forgotten. The prevailing tendency is to react to the elements of fear and awe by reimposing control and order. We emphasise an alternative reaction to the sublime, one that explores new moral and political opportunities in the face of disorientation. But we also stress that we do not need to be dislocated by dramatic events to begin to wonder about the world. Moving from the sublime to the subliminal, we explore how it is possible to acquire the same type of insight into questions of representation and contingency by engaging more everyday practices of politics.

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Peter Beattie's efforts to improve the lives of Indigenous Australians needs support.

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The socio-economic system underpinning apartheid in South Africa was based on the exploitation of black workers in the mines, the factories, the fields and the shops. It is widely recognized that the struggles of the South African black working class contributed decisively to the overthrow of the racist regime. In recognition of the power of organised labour, the democratic government elected in 1994 granted South Africa's unions unprecedented legal and constitutional rights. However, despite these gains, the country's labour movement has been facing a fresh set of challenges, from macroeconomic policy to the factory floor, many of them emanating from labour’s political allies in Government. The purpose of this book is to examine how the South African labour movement is responding to these challenges in the new millennium. A variety of experts on South African labour, both within the country and outside deal with crucial issues: How has South Africa's labour movement reacted to the ANC Government's neoliberal economic agenda? How do the unions relate to an increasingly diversifying, “flexible” and vulnerable workforce? What are labour’s prospects of contributing to a left project in democratic South Africa? What are the challenges facing the unions in relation to new forms of militancy and social movements?

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The aim of this book is to assist those who want to understand and analyse social, political and economic issues. In this project we have drawn upon the resources of political science, which typically examines the interaction between political ideas, institutions and policies in its attempt to make sense of the society in which we live. The perspectives offered by political science are evident in the structure of contributions to the volume. The organising framework we have adopted emphasises the importance of political ideas in shaping the way we comprehend political issues; the centrality of political institutions in influencing the possibilities for and limits on politics; and how present and past policies determine the context and direction of the solutions to political problems. This second edition expands upon out original brief. Where we have retained certain topics, the chapters have all been revised and updated. There are also a number of new chapters in each section that deal with significant political doctrines, institutions and policies.

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A presente pesquisa analisou a posição e ação política nas Assembleias de Deus do Brasil nos períodos 1930-1945 e 1978-1988. Defendemos a tese de que desde 1930 há no interior do pentecostalismo brasileiro posições e intervenções no mundo da política. Tanto no período de 1930-1945 como o de 1978-1988 nossas análises serão realizadas a partir das temporalidades discutidas por Giorgio Agamben: chronos, aiôn e kairos. No que diz respeito ao primeiro período 1930-1945, as pesquisas quase sempre vinculam o discurso escatológico do pentecostalismo a processos de alienação e não envolvimento com a política partidária. Entretanto, acredita-se que as narrativas escatológicas não foram causa de certo afastamento da esfera pública brasileira, mas sim efeito de processos de exclusão aos quais homens e mulheres de pertença pentecostal estiveram circunscritos. Doutrinas como a escatologia e a pneumatologia foram potencializadoras de processos que aqui denominamos de biopotência. Já no segundo período, de 1978-1988, a posição e a ação política que predominaram no pentecostalismo estiveram relacionadas com a biopolítica. Chamamos de capítulo intermedário ou de transição o período correspondente às datas 1946-1977. Nele descreveremos e analisaremos personalidades pentecostais de destaque no campo da política brasileira. Metodologicamente, fizemos nossa análise a partir de artigos publicados no órgão oficial de comunicação da denominação religiosa em questão, o jornal Mensageiro da Paz. Esse periódico circula desde 1930. Além dos artigos, destacamos também as autoras e os autores, todas elas e todos eles figuras de destaque no assembleianismo. Ao longo da pesquisa questionamos a ideia do apoliticismo pentecostal. Defendemos a tese de que desde 1930, que é o início de nossa pesquisa, há posição e ação política nas Assembleias de Deus. Como resultado disso, questionamos a ideia do apoliticismo pentecostal. Nossa hipótese é de que no período 1930-1945 o pentecostalismo foi um polo de biopotência. Se a biopolítica é o poder sobre a vida, a biopotência é o poder da vida. Doutrinas como a escatologia e pneumatologia contribuíram para que nos espaços marginais onde se reuniam os pentecostais fossem criados novos modelos de sociabilidade e de cooperação; eram também espaços de criação de outras narrativas e de crítica a modelos hegemônicos e excludentes. O pentecostalismo foi um movimento que promoveu a dignidade humana de sujeitos subalternos.

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