938 resultados para National Gallery (Great Britain)
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Constitutional Questions
Professor John Morison MRIA School of Law, Queen’s University Belfast
How should we live together? Is there any ethical question more fundamental than this?
Is a constitution only about who does what in government or is it about what is to be done? Does a constitution provide the ground rules for deciding this or is it part of the answer itself? Is it the repository of fundamental values about how to live? What is the good life anyway? Is it about the preservation of life and liberty, and the pursuit of happiness? Or something more? What about preserving (or radically reordering) the distribution of property? Or ensuring that everyone has the same chances? Is it the job of the constitution to simply promise dignity, equality and freedom, or to deliver these values?
If the constitution is the place where the state undertakes “to promote the welfare of the whole people”, what does this actually mean in practical terms? And who pays for it? Should a constitution give us an entitlement to at least a basic minimum by way of a lifestyle? Or is it the job only of the political process to decide issues about the allocation of resources? What do we do if we feel that we cannot trust our politicians? Are there basic rules that should govern the operation of politics and are there fundamental values that should not be overridden? Are these “sacred and undeniable”? Or to be interpreted in line with modern conditions and within a “margin of appreciation”? Who decides on this in individual cases?
Who is entitled to any of this, and on what basis? Is everyone equal? Is the constitution about making it clear that no-one is better than you, and that in turn, you are better than no-one? Is a constitution about ensuring that you will always be an end in yourself and never simply a means to anyone else’s end? Or does it simply reinforce the existing distribution of power and wealth?
Are citizens to be given more than those who are not citizens? Is more to be expected from them, and what might that be? Can the constitution tell us how we should treat those from outside who now live with us?
What is the relationship between a constitution and a nation? Who is in the nation anyway? Should we talk about “we the people” or “we the peoples”? Should a constitution confirm a nationality or facilitate diversity? Is the constitution the place to declare aspirations for a national territory? Or to confirm support for the idea of consent? What about all our neighbours – on the island of Ireland and in Great Britain? Or in Europe? And beyond?
What is the relationship between a constitution and democracy? Is a constitution simply the rules by which the powerful govern the powerless? In what sense does a constitution belong to everyone, across past, present and future generations? Is it the place where we state common values? Are there any? Do they change across time? Should the people be asked about changes they may want? How often should this be done? Should the constitution address the past and its problems? How might this be done? What do we owe future generations?
Finally, if we can agree that the constitution is about respecting human rights, striving for social justice and building a fair and democratic Ireland – North and South – how do we make it happen in practice?
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1. We tested the species diversity-energy hypothesis using the British bird fauna. This predicts that temperature patterns should match diversity patterns. We also tested the hypothesis that the mechanism operates directly through effects of temperature on thermoregulatory loads; this further predicts that seasonal changes in temperature cause matching changes in patterns of diversity, and that species' body mass is influential.
2. We defined four assemblages using migration status (residents or visitors) and season (summer or winter distribution). Records of species' presence/absence in a total of 2362, 10 x 10-km, quadrats covering most of Britain were used, together with a wide selection of habitat, topographic and seasonal climatic data.
3. We fitted a logistic regression model to each species' distribution using the environmental data. We then combined these individual species models mathematically to form a diversity model. Analysis of this composite model revealed that summer temperature was the factor most strongly associated with diversity.
4. Although the species-energy hypothesis was supported, the direct mechanism, predicting an important role for body mass and matching seasonal patterns of change between diversity and temperature, was not supported.
5. However, summer temperature is the best overall explanation for bird diversity patterns in Britain. It is a better predictor of winter diversity than winter temperature. Winter diversity is predicted more precisely from environmental factors than summer diversity.
6. Climate change is likely to influence the diversity of different areas to different extents; for resident species, low diversity areas may respond more strongly as climate change progresses. For winter visitors, higher diversity areas may respond more strongly, while summer visitors are approximately neutral.
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BACKGROUND: Epidemiological and laboratory studies suggest that β-blockers may reduce cancer progression in various cancer sites. The aim of this study was to conduct the first epidemiological investigation of the effect of post-diagnostic β-blocker usage on colorectal cancer-specific mortality in a large population-based colorectal cancer patient cohort.
PATIENTS AND METHODS: A nested case-control analysis was conducted within a cohort of 4794 colorectal cancer patients diagnosed between 1998 and 2007. Patients were identified from the UK Clinical Practice Research Datalink and confirmed using cancer registry data. Patients with a colorectal cancer- specific death (data from the Office of National Statistics death registration system) were matched to five controls. Conditional logistic regression was applied to calculate odds ratios (OR) and 95% confidence intervals (95% CIs) according to β-blocker usage (data from GP-prescribing records).
RESULTS: Post-diagnostic β-blocker use was identified in 21.4% of 1559 colorectal cancer-specific deaths and 23.7% of their 7531 matched controls, with little evidence of an association (OR = 0.89 95% CI 0.78-1.02). Similar associations were found when analysing drug frequency, β-blocker type or specific drugs such as propranolol. There was some evidence of a weak reduction in all-cause mortality in β-blocker users (adjusted OR = 0.88; 95% CI 0.77-1.00; P = 0.04) which was in part due to the marked effect of atenolol on cardiovascular mortality (adjusted OR = 0.62; 95% CI 0.40-0.97; P = 0.04).
CONCLUSIONS: In this novel, large UK population-based cohort of colorectal cancer patients, there was no evidence of an association between post-diagnostic β-blocker use and colorectal cancer-specific mortality.
CLINICAL TRIALS NUMBER: NCT00888797.
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PURPOSE: To investigate whether statins used after colorectal cancer diagnosis reduce the risk of colorectal cancer-specific mortality in a cohort of patients with colorectal cancer.
PATIENTS AND METHODS: A cohort of 7,657 patients with newly diagnosed stage I to III colorectal cancer were identified from 1998 to 2009 from the National Cancer Data Repository (comprising English cancer registry data). This cohort was linked to the United Kingdom Clinical Practice Research Datalink, which provided prescription records, and to mortality data from the Office of National Statistics (up to 2012) to identify 1,647 colorectal cancer-specific deaths. Time-dependent Cox regression models were used to calculate hazard ratios (HR) for cancer-specific mortality and 95% CIs by postdiagnostic statin use and to adjust these HRs for potential confounders.
RESULTS: Overall, statin use after a diagnosis of colorectal cancer was associated with reduced colorectal cancer-specific mortality (fully adjusted HR, 0.71; 95% CI, 0.61 to 0.84). A dose-response association was apparent; for example, a more marked reduction was apparent in colorectal cancer patients using statins for more than 1 year (adjusted HR, 0.64; 95% CI, 0.53 to 0.79). A reduction in all-cause mortality was also apparent in statin users after colorectal cancer diagnosis (fully adjusted HR, 0.75; 95% CI, 0.66 to 0.84).
CONCLUSION: In this large population-based cohort, statin use after diagnosis of colorectal cancer was associated with longer rates of survival.
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Severe refractory asthma poses a substantial burden in terms of healthcare costs but relatively little is known about the factors which drive these costs. This study uses data from the British Thoracic Society Difficult Asthma Registry (n=596) to estimate direct healthcare treatment costs from an National Health Service perspective and examines factors that explain variations in costs. Annual mean treatment costs among severe refractory asthma patients were £2912 (SD £2212) to £4217 (SD £2449). Significant predictors of costs were FEV1% predicted, location of care, maintenance oral corticosteroid treatment and body mass index. Treating individuals with severe refractory asthma presents a substantial cost to the health service.
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Background: Systematic assessment of severe asthma can be used to confirm the diagnosis, identify comorbidities, and address adherence to therapy. However, the prospective usefulness of this approach is yet to be established. The objective of this study was to determine whether the systematic assessment of severe asthma is associated with improved quality of life (QoL) and health-care use and, using prospective data collection, to compare relevant outcomes in patients referred with severe asthma to specialist centers across the United Kingdom. Methods: Data from the National Registry for dedicated UK Difficult Asthma Services were used to compare patient demographics, disease characteristics, and health-care use between initial assessment and a median follow-up of 286 days. Results: The study population consisted of 346 patients with severe asthma. At follow-up, there were significant reductions in health-care use in terms of primary care or ED visits (66.4% vs 87.8%, P < .0001) and hospital admissions (38% vs 48%, P = .0004). Although no difference was noted in terms of those requiring maintenance oral corticosteroids, there was a reduction in steroid dose (10 mg [8-20 mg] vs 15 mg [10-20 mg], P = .003), and fewer subjects required short-burst steroids (77.4% vs 90.8%, P = .01). Significant improvements were seen in QoL and control using the Asthma Quality of Life Questionnaire and the Asthma Control Questionnaire. Conclusions: To our knowledge, this is the first time that a prospective study has shown that a systematic assessment at a dedicated severe asthma center is associated with improved QoL and asthma control and a reduction in health-care use and oral steroid burden.
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PURPOSE: Concerns were raised about the safety of antiplatelet thienopyridine derivatives after a randomized control trial reported increased risks of cancer and cancer deaths in prasugrel users. We investigate whether clopidogrel, a widely used thienopyridine derivative, was associated with increased risk of cancer-specific or all-cause mortality in cancer patients.
METHODS: Colorectal, breast and prostate cancer patients, newly diagnosed from 1998 to 2009, were identified from the National Cancer Data Repository. Cohorts were linked to the UK Clinical Practice Research Datalink, providing prescription records, and to the Office of National Statistics mortality data (up to 2012). Unadjusted and adjusted hazard ratios (HRs) for cancer-specific and all-cause mortality in post-diagnostic clopidogrel users were calculated using time-dependent Cox regression models.
RESULTS: The analysis included 10 359 colorectal, 17 889 breast and 13 155 prostate cancer patients. There was no evidence of an increase in cancer-specific mortality in clopidogrel users with colorectal (HR = 0.98 95% confidence interval (CI) 0.77, 1.24) or prostate cancer (HR = 1.03 95%CI 0.82, 1.28). There was limited evidence of an increase in breast cancer patients (HR = 1.22 95%CI 0.90, 1.65); however, this was attenuated when removing prescriptions in the year prior to death.
CONCLUSIONS: This novel study of large population-based cohorts of colorectal, breast and prostate cancer patients found no evidence of an increased risk of cancer-specific mortality among colorectal, breast and prostate cancer patients using clopidogrel.
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Includes 41 copies of plans of Royal Navy ships, ranging in date from 1784 to 1816. Some of the ships included are the Bonne Citoyenne, Niagara, Epervier, Comet, Contest, Ferret, Childers, Anacreon, Florida, Hind, Hermes, Psyche, Princess Charlotte, Contest, Prince Regent, Caroline, Thetis, Statira, Forte, Pelican, Crescent, Euryalus, Chesapeake, Acasta, Banterer, Leda, Endymion, Amphion, President, Tonnant, Ramillies, Boyne, and St. Lawrence. Many of these ships were used by the British during the War of 1812. The original plans are at the National Maritime Museum in Greenwich, London. Also included is a copy of a handwritten chart with the number and size of the British and United States Squadrons on Lake Ontario, March 1814 (during the War of 1812). This includes the number and caliber of long guns and carronades, as well as the weight of metal, for different ships. British ships include the Prince Regent, Princess Charlotte, Wolfe, Royal George, Melville, Moira, Sir Sidney Smith, and Beresford. American ships include the [General] Pike, Madison, Oneida, Sylph, Gen’l Tompkins[?], Conquest, Fair American, Ontario, Pert, Asp, and Lady of the Lake. Also included is a copy of a map titled “Track of the Action”, tracking the movements of the HMS Java and the USS Constitution, dated December 29, 1812, and a copy of a map of Lake Champlain and Plattsburgh Bay showing the position of a vessel(s), undated.
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Roberta “Bobbie” Styran was born and rasied in Fredericton, N.B. She graduated from McMaster University with a B.A. (1962) and M.A. (1964), before furthering her studies at the University of Toronto, where she received a Ph. D in History. From 1967 to 1978, she taught Medieval History at Brock University, where she developed an interest in the Welland Canal. She began a collaboration with Prof. Robert R. Taylor of the History Department at this time, researching the history of the Welland Canals. She later moved to Toronto and worked for the Ministry of Education, but returned to St. Catharines in 1988 to facilitate her work with Prof. Taylor. The two have co-authored several books, including The Welland Canals: the Growth of Mr. Merritt’s Ditch; Mr. Merritt’s Ditch: A Welland Canals Album; The Great “Swivel Link”: Canada’s Welland Canal and This Great National Object: Building the Nineteenth-Century Welland Canals. Bobbie travelled extensively, visiting many canal and industrial revolution sites in Great Britain and the United States. She was active in many canal associations, including the Canadian Canal Society (where she served as president and editor of the Society’s newsletter), the American Canal Society, and the Council of Inland Waterways International. She also helped to found the Welland Canals Preservation Association and organized and chaired the 2004 World Canals Conference at Brock University. In 2009, she received the W. Gordon Plewes Award from the Canadian Society for Civil Engineering, an award that recognized her services to Canadian engineering history.
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La politique extérieure canadienne en regard de la Guerre civile espagnole fut adoptée en juillet 1937. Le gouvernement canadien adopta une politique de neutralité analogue à celle pilotée par la Grande-Bretagne à travers le Comité de non-intevention. Il promulgua un embargo sur l’exportation d’armes de toutes sortes sur le territoire espagnol, et ce, aux deux belligérants. De plus, avec la Loi sur l’enrôlement à l’étranger, Ottawa criminalisa l’engagement volontaire sur toutes ses formes, plus particulièrement le Bataillon Mackenzie – Papineau, ramification canadienne des Brigades Internationales. Au Québec, cette guerre fut fortement ressentie. Les élites traditionnelles et le clergé catholique anathématisent le Front Populaire espagnol en l’assimilant au communisme soviétique, et se solidarisent avec leurs coreligionnaires espagnols. Selon Ernest Lapointe, bras droit de Mackenzie King au Québec, Ottawa doit tenir compte du courant conservateur chez les Québécois francophones afin de prévenir une crise domestique pouvant avoir des conséquences sur l’unité nationale. Mais la politique étrangère du Canada à l’égard du gouvernement républicain espagnol n’a que partiellement été influencée par la réaction clérico-nationaliste au Québec. Elle est bien davantage le résultat de l’alignement du Canada sur la politique étrangère britannique.
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À la suite de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, l’Europe est affaiblie et divisée. Les horreurs de la guerre amènent les Européens à repenser leur cohabitation et l’idée d’une Europe, unie par des liens économiques et politiques forts, germe dans l’esprit des Européens. Ils créent alors la CECA en 1951 puis, sept ans plus tard, la Communauté économique européenne. Puisque cette dernière aura du succès, certains pays européens, dont la Grande-Bretagne, demandent à la rejoindre. La France d’alors, sous la présidence de Charles de Gaulle, s’oppose à cette demande d’adhésion à deux reprises, en 1963 et en 1967. Il faut attendre l’arrivée de Georges Pompidou à l’Élysée pour que Londres intègre la CEE. L’élargissement de la Communauté est un évènement important; il a un impact direct sur le rôle de la France en Europe et dans le monde. Il a également une incidence certaine sur le rôle de l’Europe dans le monde bipolaire de l’époque, ainsi que sur ses relations avec l’allié américain. La presse des pays concernés suivra ces évènements avec intérêt, telle la presse quotidienne française, qui commente abondamment les décisions prises par son gouvernement. Le présent mémoire, qui étudie certains journaux d’importance à la lumière des ouvrages d’érudition et des sources primaires, analyse thématiquement la position de journaux français de diverses tendances politiques sur la politique française au cours des trois demandes.
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Modern Painters vol. III, IV et V est une œuvre tripartite développée après 1850, en synchronie avec la guerre de Crimée (1854-56), la répression de la révolte indienne (1857-59) et la deuxième guerre d’indépendance d’Italie (1859). Marqué par ces événements politiques, Ruskin met en œuvre une stratégie complexe pour configurer dans un langage symbolique les frontières et les taxonomies impériales de l’espace européen. Il développe des stratégies de présentation qui combinent le texte et les illustrations pour créer des allégories mentales et visuelles, construites à partir des stéréotypes littéraires et culturels véhiculés dans l’espace britannique. L’auteur met ses derniers volumes de Modern Painters sous le signe de « la crise de la civilisation » représentée par les conflagrations de Crimée, d’Inde et d’Italie, en exprimant son soutien pour la nouvelle alliance entre l’Angleterre et la France. Un autre motif est son obsession avec la réforme sociale via un retour aux valeurs chrétiennes traditionnelles.
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Le 28 juin 2012, le Parlement canadien adoptait des modifications à la Loi sur l’immigration et la protection des réfugiés introduisant des changements importants dans le traitement des demandes de protection faites à partir du Canada. Ces modifications incorporent deux nouveaux concepts en droit canadien, le premier étant le pays d’origine désigné, qui figure sur une liste. Ces pays considérés comme « sûrs » sont désignés par arrêté par le ministère de la Citoyenneté et de l’Immigration. Les pays d’origine désignés ne peuvent être source de réfugiés, et les demandeurs d’asile provenant de ces pays reçoivent un traitement particulier. Le deuxième concept est celui d’« étranger désigné » : le ministre de la Sécurité publique et de la Protection civile peut désigner des arrivées de migrants comme étant irrégulières, si ces derniers se présentent aux frontières canadiennes sans les documents réglementaires. Ces étrangers sont obligatoirement mis en détention, et leur demande d’asile, le cas échéant, reçoit aussi un traitement particulier. Ces dispositions soulèvent de nombreuses questions concernant leur validité en vertu de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés et du droit international. Dans un premier temps, ce mémoire a pour objet de montrer qu’il existe une lacune dans le processus législatif canadien. Lorsqu’un gouvernement est majoritaire au Parlement, il peut faire adopter ses projets de loi sans informer adéquatement l’opposition et les électeurs sur les risques qu’ils présentent de violer les droits et libertés de la personne. À notre avis, cette lacune est problématique, car à notre avis, des lois sont adoptées en violation de la constitution et plus particulièrement de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés sans que le gouvernement ait à se justifier. Ce mémoire explore l’idée d’utiliser les études d’impact sur les droits de la personne, un modèle d’analyse des lois, règlements et politiques publiques qui vise à évaluer et faire connaître les impacts qu’ils ont ou peuvent avoir sur les droits fondamentaux des personnes affectées. Les cas de la France, de la Grande-Bretagne et de la Commission européenne seront analysés. Ce mémoire examine les dispositions concernant les pays d’origine désigné et les étrangers désignés en vertu de la Charte canadienne et du droit international. Nous concluons que si ces dispositions avaient fait l’objet d’une étude d’impact sur les droits de la personne, le Parlement et les Canadiens auraient été informés des risques de violation des droits fondamentaux des demandeurs d’asile concernés.
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Les études sur la mémoire, qui connaissent une grande popularité depuis les années 1980, ont mené à un intérêt pour l’histoire de l’histoire et pour la création de figures héroïques. Ce mémoire de maîtrise s’inscrit dans ces courants de recherche en étudiant le sort qu’une historiographie plurinationale a réservé à trois officiers français du théâtre nord-américain de la guerre de Sept Ans. Nous observerons comment les ouvrages britanniques, français, américains, canadiens-anglais et canadiens-français ont traité de Vaudreuil, Bougainville et Lévis. Nous pourrons ainsi exploiter la richesse de l’historiographie relative à cette guerre, qui date du XVIIIe siècle jusqu’à aujourd’hui. Il s’agira de suivre les regards croisés que les historiens des différentes époques et allégeances nationales ont porté sur nos personnages. C’est que ces trois hommes incarnent trois postures que l’historiographie interprétera de façon variable. En effet, comme cette production historique est surtout marquée par des rivalités entre les personnages qui prennent des allures de conflits nationaux, nos héros seront surtout jugés selon une perspective nationale. Vaudreuil, le gouverneur canadien né dans la colonie y devient donc le champion de son «pays», Bougainville, le métropolitain critique des conditions coloniales, futur navigateur et homme des Lumières, est jugé en fonction de ses propos sur le Canada, alors que Lévis, le métropolitain discret dans ses écrits, sera surtout jugé en fonction de sa victoire à Sainte-Foy en 1760.
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El siguiente trabajo tiene como objetivo el Estado del arte acerca de la discusión teórica de la repercusión de la unión monetaria en el principio de soberanía nacional, específicamente el caso de Gran Bretaña, ya que éste es el único país que expresa abiertamente su incertidumbre referente a algún tipo de amenaza a su soberanía. Se pretende precisar si existen criterios concluyentes, o por el contrario determinar si no hay claridad con respecto al futuro de Gran Bretaña como miembro de la unión monetaria.A partir de lo anterior, se plantean como sus propósitos particulares construir un marco conceptual acerca de la soberanía. Este estado del arte se inicia con citas de los principales autores de finales de siglo XVII y XVIII y finaliza con las posiciones conceptuales aportadas por los teóricos modernos motivados por el nacimiento de la Unión Europea como un nuevo orden político. Entre las que se citan: modelo centrico o intergubernamentalista, modelo de gobernabilidad multi-nivel, modelo neo-funcionalista y modelo federalista. Igualmente, el trabajo, busca desarrollar un marco conceptual sobre Unión Monetaria y su evolución hasta el logro de una unión fiscal europea en el periodo de 1950-2010, establecer las relaciones teóricas entre Soberanía del Estado y Unión Monetaria y por último realizar un análisis histórico hermenéutico de la Unión Europea y el caso del Reino Unido de acuerdo a las relaciones evidenciadas en los apartados teóricos entre soberanía del Estado y Unión Monetaria.