969 resultados para Liberal phalangism


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This paper aims at evaluating the compatibility of coercive climate policies with liberal neutrality. More precisely, it focuses on the doctrine of state neutrality as associated with the "harm principle". It argues that given the difficulty of attributing causal responsibilities for climate harms to individuals, the harm principle doesn't work in this case, at least if one endorses a liberal atomistic ontology. Furthermore, the definition of what constitutes climate harms implies making moral assumptions, which makes it impossible to justify climate policies in a neutral way. Finally, the paper shows another consequence of applying neutrality to the case of climate change, that is the risk of a shift from political forms of decision-making to technocracy. Focusing too much on liberty of choice may (paradoxically) be to the detriment of political freedom. The paper concludes that climate change is an intrinsically moral issue and that it should be the occasion of a political debate about our current values and lifestyles. It should not be reduced to a mere question of carbon metric.

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Lleida, una ciudad media de España en el XIX que tiene como particularidad ser una capital de provincia con una economía tradicional a medio camino entre las actividades del campo y las incipientes urbanas, es nuestro marco de estudio para analizar el comportamiento de los grupos sociales de su comunidad ante los cambios políticos operados en España durante el siglo XIX para consolidar el liberalismo como sistema de gobierno. Las fuentes consultadas fueron los archivos locales mediante el contraste de los censos de población, sus rentas y la lista de políticos y milicianos implicados en el proceso político para establecer pautas y analogías entre ellos según su filiación política. Con estas pautas nos acercamos a la sociología de su población y sus concreciones políticas durante este período. De esta manera, descubrimos los mecanismos de resistencia del grupo dominante del antiguo régimen para mantener el poder y las tácticas de los liberales para conseguir desbancarlos y conseguir mayor representación política en el municipio. La conclusión de este estudio es que mediante el acomodo de los grupos privilegiados del antiguo régimen al liberalismo moderado, estos consiguieron su espacio político en la comunidad para mantener la mayor parte del tiempo su cuota de poder, mientras que los liberales, mediante su identificación al progresismo, tenían enormes dificultades para conseguir el control y poner en práctica su proyecto político.

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En el presente trabajo pretendemos analizar el proceso de elección de los diputados catalanes que representaron al Principado de Cataluña en las Cortes de Cádiz (1810-1813), la sociología de los parlamentarios y su comportamiento en el Parlamento según la ideología que manifestaron. Para el estudio hemos cruzado, principalmente, los datos del Diccionario Biográfico de los Parlamentarios Españoles (Madrid, 2010) y la documentación del Archivo del Congreso de los Diputados. Tras el análisis del proceso electoral, primero observamos que nunca se cubrieron todos los puestos otorgados a Cataluña. En segundo lugar, los diputados elegidos fueron, en su mayoría, de condición social acomodada, representativos de la sociedad catalana y acordes con sus homónimos españoles, sobresaliendo en número los grupos de diputados eclesiásticos, abogados y nobles. En tercer lugar, a diferencia del caso global español, destacamos que la adscripción política de la representación catalana fue de mayoría realista y se mostró globalmente contraria a la legislación liberal aprobada en Cádiz.

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És comunament acceptada l'opinió que la maçoneria va contribuir, durant els segles XVIII i XIX, al triomf i a la consolidació deis valors que hom ha convingut a anomenar moderns. La raó, la dignitat humana, la justícia i la llibertat van ser, entre d'altres, principis assumits pels maçons com a propis, i damunt els quals s'havia d'edificar el nou temple de la modernitat. Tampoc els projectes de filantropia, interpretada com un amor envers la humanitat i millora del gènere humà, no quedaven al marge de l'ideari maçònic. És lògic, doncs, que aquesta filosofia fos assumida per bona part d'una burgesia progressista desitjosa d'anorrear qualsevol vestigi possible d'obscurantisme, i donant suport, naturalment, a aquells moviments revolucionaris d'ascendència liberal que pul·lulaven tant arreu d'Europa com d'Amèrica. De fet, tot i el risc de caure en un cert reduccionisme, podem vincular l'acció de la maçoneria amb el triomf deis ideal s burgesos.

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Introduction: The Violence Medical Unit (VMU), a specialised forensic medical consultation, was created at the Lausanne university Hospital in 2006. All patients consulting at the ED for interpersonal violencerelated injury are referred to the VMU, which provides forensic documentation of the injury and referral to the relevant community based victim-support organisations within 48 hours of the ED visit. This frees the ED medical staff from forensic injury documentation and legal/social referral, tasks for which they lack both time and training. Among community violence, assaults by nightclub security agents against patrons have increased from 6% to 10% between 2007 and 2009. We set out to characterise the demographics, assault mechanisms, subsequent injuries, prior alcohol intake and ED & VMU costs incurred by this group of patients. Methods: We retrospectively included all patients consulting at the VMU due to assault by nightclub security agents from January 2007 to December 2009. Data was obtained from ED & VMU medical, nursing and administrative records. Results: Our sample included 70 patients, of which 64 were referred by the CHUV ED. The victims were typically young (median age 29) males (93%). 77% of assaults occurred on the weekend between 12 PM and 4 AM, and 73% of the victims were under the influence of alcohol. 83% of the patients were punched, kicked and/or head-butted; 9% had been struck with a blunt instrument. 80% of the injuries were in the head and neck area and 19% of the victims sustained fractures. 21% of the victims were prescribed medical leave. Total ED & VMU costs averaged 1048 SFr. Conclusion: Medical staff treating this population of assault victims must be aware of the assault mechanisms and injury patterns, in particular the high probability of fractures, in order to provide adequate diagnosis and care. Associated inebriation mandates liberal use of radiology, as delayed or missed diagnosis may have medical, medicolegal and legal implications. Emergency medical services play an important role in detecting and reporting of such incidents. Centralised management of the forensic documentation facilitates referral to victim support organisations and epidemiological data collection. Magnitudes and trends of the different types of violence can be determined, and this information can be then impact public safety management policies.

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The United Kingdom (UK) for last few decades has been faced with a growing need for health personnel and has therefore attracted professionals, particularly overseas nurses. The country has been characterised by a historical migration policy favourable to the recruitment of foreign health staff. However, in the context of deep shortage and high level of diseases and health system weakness, the international health professional recruitment from Sub Saharan Africa has created unprecedented ethical controversies which have pushed the UK to the centre of discussions because of its liberal policies towards international recruitment that have been considered as aggressive. While the 'brain drain' controversy is well known, less attention has been devoted to the specific international health migration controversy and the pivotal role of the UK in the diffusion of ethical code of practice. Using mainly the perspective of the policy analysis of controversy (Roe 1994) and the analysis of discourses (de Haas 2008), our paper comes back respectively to the nature of the controversy and the pivotal role of the UK. It also analyses how the implementation of UK ethical policies - Code of Practice, banned countries list of recruitment, restrictive immigration policies - have been considered as inefficient and unethical in their contents and their targets.

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In most democracies voting Advice Applications (VAAs) advising citizens which candidate or party they should vote for become more and more popular. It is therefore crucial to know more about the functioning and the effects of such tools. After some general remarks about the spread of these tools and their possible effects gathered so far in various studies, this paper presents the latest results from a research conducted in the course of the 2011 Swiss national elections. They confirm that VAAs can lead to better informed voters and are likely to have a positive impact on electoral turnout. Additionally it can be shown that the Swiss VAA smartvote made voters change their voting intention and that they voted for a different party. This was particularly advantageous for the Green Liberal Party. At the moment, only a minority of voters rely on the voting recommendation by smartvote. This might change dramatically with the introduction of e-voting. Once people can vote electronically, there are hardly any possibilities to prevent voters from transferring their selection of candidates based on the recommendation given by a VAA into the official electronic ballot paper. If this is possible, e-voting will become more popular than postal voting.

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For years a literature on the uses that political parties make of information andcommunication technologies (ICTs) has been developed. It is a rapidly increasing, rich,and interesting field in the forefront of the investigation in political science. Generally,these works start from the expectation that the ICTs have a regenerative potential forliberal democracies and for the political parties as well. In developed societies, politicalparties have experienced some transformations that have leaded them to an increasingdivorce with the public. This divorce is shown by the decay of party adscription andmembership, and also by the decay of the conventional political participation. In thetheoretical discussion this situation has been described as ¿the crisis of the democracy¿(Norris, 1999). According to the more radically oriented scholars this crisis reflects theincapacities of liberal democracies. In this sense, ICTs suppose a great opportunity tosurpass the representative institutions and to institutionalize new forms of directdemocracy. More moderate scholars have considered that ICTs offer the opportunity for¿renaissance¿ for representative institutions, as they can reinforce the bonds between thepublic and its representatives.

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Tämän opinnäytetyön lähtökohtana on ollut musiikinopetuksen kehittämis- ja opetussuunnitelman puuttuminen Seinäjoen Kansalaisopistosta. Työn alkuosassa käydään läpi pääpiirteittäin vapaan sivistystyön historia ja Laki vapaasta sivistystyöstä. Seinäjoen Kansalaisopiston musiikin opetusta tarkastellaan elinikäisen oppimisen, eettisyyden ja indoktrinaation näkökulmista. Musiikin opetus- ja oppimiskäsitykset sekä opettajan kompetenssi ovat myös keskeisiä asioita kehitettäessä Seinäjoen Kansalaisopiston musiikin opetusta. Seinäjoen Kansalaisopistossa musiikkiaineissa opiskeli lukuvuonna 2006-2007 yli 800 opiskelijaa. Solistista opetusta annettiin pianossa, laulussa, viulussa ja huilussa. Ryhmäopetusta annettiin harmonikan ja pelimanniharmonikan soitossa, kitaran soitossa, rummuissa, viulun soitossa, kuorolaulussa sekä vauva-äiti/vanhempi - ja erityismusiikkiryhmille (erityislapset, ikäihmiset, erityisaikuiset), kansanmusiikki- ja pelimanniyhtyeille. Seinäjoen Kansalaisopistossa musiikin kehittämis- ja opetussuunnitelmaa varten tehtiin kaksi kyselytutkimusta: erikseen musiikin opiskelijoille ja musiikin opettajille. Niissä selvitettiin opiskelijoiden ja opettajien toiveita ja tarpeita kansalaisopiston musiikin opetuksessa. Tutkimus on määrällinen, ja tulokset antoivat Seinäjoen kansalaisopiston musiikin opetuksen kehittämiselle tietoa, jonka pohjalta opetussuunnitelma on mahdollista laatia. Opettajille suunnattu kysely tuotti keskeisiä tuloksia: kansalaisopiston hallinnolliset palvelut opettajille koettiin tasokkaiksi, mutta opetustuntien toivottiin olevan pidempiä; lisäksi täydennyskoulutustarvetta oli yli puolella vastanneista. Hyvän opettajuuden tärkeimmiksi elementeiksi opettajat kokivat kannustavuuden, hyvät vuorovaikutustaidot, ohjaavan ja rakentavan suhtautumisen sekä hyvän tilannetajun. Opiskelijoille suunnattu kysely osoitti, että heidän mielestään opetus on tasokasta ja opettajat ammattitaitoisia sekä innostavia. Opiskelijat kokivat solististen aineiden oppitunnit liian lyhyiksi. Opiskelun kannustimiksi opiskelijat totesivat musiikista saadun ilon, itsensä kehittämisen ja uuden oppimisen halun sekä musiikin sopivuuden vapaa-ajan harrastukseksi. Musiikkikurssien yleisarvio oli hyvä, hinta-laatu-suhde erinomainen ja opiskelijat kokivat saavansa myös tarpeeksi palautetta. Opetussuunnitelma voi palvella musiikinopettajia opetuksen kehittämisessä, suunnittelussa ja toteuttamisessa ilman, että sen tarvitsee viedä opettajien itsenäisyyttä. Opiskelijoita halutaan tukea musiikin opiskelussa siten, että heille luodaan hyvä oppimisympäristö ja tarvittaessa heille laaditaan henkilökohtainen opetussuunnitelma yhteistyössä opettajan kanssa. Seinäjoen Kansalaisopisto pyrkii tulevaisuudessa tarjoamaan aiempaa paremmin kysyntää vastaavaa musiikinopetusta niin aikuisille harrastajille kuin myös nuorille ja lapsille.

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En nom de la exportació dels valors democràtics s’ha pretès justificar la introducció dels principis del neoliberalisme a escala mundial. L’imaginari democràtic ha estat utilitzat com a disfressa elegant per a intentar tapar la progressiva debilitat generada en el cos social pels processos de globalització de l’economia. Però malgrat de l’inicial triomfalisme del “pensament únic”, paral•lelament s’ha anat generant tota una xarxa internacional de resistència que sembla tenir cada cop més un gran poder de mobilització

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La privatización del patrimonio público rústico y la progresiva limitación de los aprovechamientos vecinales constituyeron una pieza fundamental de la reforma agraria liberal. Ambos procesos forzaron la mercantilización de los Frutos y de la propiedad de un patrimonio ingente, desposeyendo a sus ufructuarios tradicionales. Aunque las implicaciones de ello fueron múltiples, solo me propongo abordar en este escrito dos cuestiones, la extensión que ocupaban los montes públicos, y la importancia de procedimientos privatizadores distintos a las subastas de bienes nacionales, que fueron el método regular y mayoritario de tales enajenaciones

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This article ties the expansion of the Mediterranean and Catalan prosperity to the growth, the changes and the maturing of the society in all aspects (politically, socially, culturally...) Two of the groups that illustrate the growth well and the changes that were taking place in Barcelona society are the craftsmen and craftswomen, liberal professionals and the merchants. The article relates the changes of the XIVth Century to the increase of the capacity to read and write of the men and women of these social groups. The books of accounts of two members of a Barcelona family of merchants and ships’s copyist of the XIVth Century, the Tarascó, are the testimony of the extension of “a functional” literacy, limited and closely together with the profession, work and religious practice. These and other private sources allow for the appreciation of the diffusion of writing. The people of the world of commerce and the sea are very conscious of the decisive value of writing not only for their professional activity, but also because it allows them to make note of, in order to be able, later on, to remember: desires, interests and preoccupations. The article, finally, offers a hypothesis of documentary genesis of books of mercantile accounts

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The Letreiro do Quinto rock shelter is located in the rural area of the city of Pedro II, Piauí, Brazil. The sandstone walls of the shelter are covered with prehistoric rupestrian paintings, painted in patterns of yellow and light and dark red hues. The chemical-mineralogical characterization of the prehistoric pigments was made with energy dispersive spectroscopy, scanning electron microscopy, energy dispersive X-ray fluorescence and 57Fe transmission Mössbauer spectroscopy at 110 K. Results confirm the occurrence of hematite- and goethite-rich ochres and also that the pigment layers are indeed made of a mixture of clay minerals mixed with iron oxides.

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Artikkelissa arvioidaan kolmea yliopistomallia: humboldtilaista, liberal education -mallia ja multidiversity -mallia.

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El presente trabajo desarrolla distintas figuras que Carl Schmitt señala como formas de subjetividad antipolítica. Si desde la perspectiva del jurista alemán las operaciones que constituyen un modo de ser político son aquellas que producen o sostienen una forma representativa, lo propio de una subjetividad antipolítica son aquellas operaciones que erosionan o conducen a la destrucción de dicha forma política. El trabajo intenta mostrar que la operación fundamental en este sentido es la dilación, entendida como la postergación indefinida de la decisión. Así, bajo las diversas figuras de la antipolítica que Schmitt aborda, esta operación también adquiere diversas formas de aparición: en el caso de la subjetividad liberal se da bajo la forma de la discusión y el compromiso, en el caso del romántico político bajo la forma de la poetización.