Quand la politique et la génétique se rencontrent : comment le public interprète-t-il la recherche?

L’objectif général de cette thèse de doctorat est de mieux comprendre comment le public interprète les nouvelles scientifiques portant sur la génétique humaine, plus précisément les nouvelles portant sur la génétique des comportements et celles portant sur la génétique des groupes raciaux. L’ouvrage prend la forme d’une thèse par article. Le Chapitre 1 introduit le lecteur aux buts et aux pratiques de la vulgarisation scientifique, présente un sommaire de la recherche sur les effets des médias, résume les principaux travaux produits par le champ de la génopolitique, et définit la structure des croyances du public à l’égard de l’influence de la génétique sur les traits humains. Le Chapitre 2 présente les fondements de la méthode expérimentale, il en explique les atouts et il offre des exemples de différents types de devis expérimentaux utilisés en science politique. Toutes les recherches produites dans cette thèse reposent au moins en partie sur cette méthode. Le Chapitre 3 présente les résultats d’une expérience de sondage qui vise à mesurer l’effet de la lecture d’une nouvelle à propos de la recherche en génétique des comportements sur des participants. L’étude démontre que le public interprète la nouvelle avec maladresse et tend à généraliser l’influence de la génétique à d’autres traits humains qui n’y sont pas mentionnés. J’avance l’hypothèse qu’un raccourci psychologique amplement documenté puisse expliquer cette réaction : l’heuristique de l’ancrage et de l’ajustement. Le Chapitre 4 présente lui aussi les résultats d’une expérience de sondage. L’étude consiste à manipuler certaines informations du contenu d’une nouvelle sur la génopolitique de manière à vérifier si certains éléments sont particulièrement susceptibles de mener à la généralisation hâtive mise en évidence dans le Chapitre 3. Les analyses suggèrent que cette généralisation est amplifiée lorsque la nouvelle présente de hauts niveaux d’héritabilité tirés d’études de jumeaux, ainsi que lorsqu’elle présente des travaux de génétique des populations visant à étudier l’origine des différences géographiques. Ce chapitre présente des recommandations à l’égard des journalistes scientifiques. Le Chapitre 5 s’intéresse à un aspect différent de la génétique humaine : celui de la génétique des races. L’objectif de cette recherche est de comprendre comment le public réagit aux travaux qui invalident l’idée selon laquelle les humains sont divisés en différentes races génétiquement distinctes. Les analyses de données transversales ainsi que les résultats d’une expérience de sondage convergent et indiquent que les conservateurs et les libéraux réagissent de manière diamétralement opposée à cette information. D’un côté, les libéraux acceptent le constat scientifique et réduisent leur impression que la génétique explique en partie les inégalités sociales; de l’autre, les conservateurs rejettent l’argument avec une intensité si forte que le rôle qu’ils attribuent aux différences génétiques s’en voit bonifié. Ces résultats sont interprétés à partir de la théorie du raisonnement motivé. Enfin, le Chapitre 6 résume les principaux constats, met en évidence les contributions que ma thèse apporte à la science politique et à la communication scientifique, et présente quelques pistes pour la recherche future.

Divided Over Internationalism : The Canadian Public and Development Assistance

This analysis of public opinion towards foreign aid shows that Canadians are divided over internationalism. First, while most citizens agree that development assistance is important, their support often remains shallow, unmatched by a commitment to undertake concrete actions. Second, the attitudes Canadians hold toward development assistance indicate that there is a clear division in the country’s public between liberal and conservative internationalists, a cleavage that is anchored in domestic ideological and partisan differences. In many ways comparable to what is found in other countries, the internationalism of Canadians does not appear as vigorous and as consensual as is often suggested.

Il/legitimate risks? Occupational health and safety and the public in Britain, c. 1960-2015

The last 20 years have seen the emergence of a popular climate of antipathy towards occupational health and safety regulation within the UK, particularly within the mainstream British media. The governance of health and safety has thus in recent years become an increasingly visible and contested public and political issue. The extent of this contestation, and its impact on the State’s governance of health and safety in the workplace and beyond, is explained and historicized within this chapter. Why has public rhetoric about health and safety apparently become so important in framing the ways in which the State could legitimately act in recent years? The chapter demonstrates how since 1960 the State remained a significant player – one among many, admittedly – and that while its roles in managing health and safety had long been bounded by a number of factors, a variable that emerged with particular saliency over the last 20 years has been a mediated notion of ‘public opinion’. This focus serves to remind us of the ways in which State action has at certain moments been pushed in particular directions by factors beyond formal mechanisms of rule.

The public debate about agrobiotechnology in Latin American countries: comparative study of Argentina, Brazil and Mexico

Includes bibliography

Public Attitudes Toward Social Spending in the United States: The Differences Between Direct Spending and Tax Expenditures

This paper uses a survey experiment to examine differences in public attitudes toward 'direct' and 'indirect' government spending. Federal social welfare spending in the USA has two components: the federal government spends money to directly provide social benefits to citizens, and also indirectly subsidizes the private provision of social benefits through tax expenditures. Though benefits provided through tax expenditures are considered spending for budgetary purposes, they differ from direct spending in several ways: in the mechanisms through which benefits are delivered to citizens, in how they distribute wealth across the income spectrum, and in the visibility of their policy consequences to the mass public. We develop and test a model explaining how these differences will affect public attitudes toward spending conducted through direct and indirect means. We find that support for otherwise identical social programs is generally higher when such programs are portrayed as being delivered through tax expenditures than when they are portrayed as being delivered by direct spending. In addition, support for tax expenditure programs which redistribute wealth upward drops when citizens are provided information about the redistributive effects. Both of these results are conditioned by partisanship, with the opinions of Republicans more sensitive to the mechanism through which benefits are delivered, and the opinions of Democrats more sensitive to information about their redistributive effects.

About DNA databasing and investigative genetic analysis of externally visible characteristics: A public survey.

During the last decade, DNA profiling and the use of DNA databases have become two of the most employed instruments of police investigations. This very rapid establishment of forensic genetics is yet far from being complete. In the last few years novel types of analyses have been presented to describe phenotypically a possible perpetrator. We conducted the present study among German speaking Swiss residents for two main reasons: firstly, we aimed at getting an impression of the public awareness and acceptance of the Swiss DNA database and the perception of a hypothetical DNA database containing all Swiss residents. Secondly, we wanted to get a broader picture of how people that are not working in the field of forensic genetics think about legal permission to establish phenotypic descriptions of alleged criminals by genetic means. Even though a significant number of study participants did not even know about the existence of the Swiss DNA database, its acceptance appears to be very high. Generally our results suggest that the current forensic use of DNA profiling is considered highly trustworthy. However, the acceptance of a hypothetical universal database would be only as low as about 30% among the 284 respondents to our study, mostly because people are concerned about the security of their genetic data, their privacy or a possible risk of abuse of such a database. Concerning the genetic analysis of externally visible characteristics and biogeographical ancestry, we discover a high degree of acceptance. The acceptance decreases slightly when precise characteristics are presented to the participants in detail. About half of the respondents would be in favor of the moderate use of physical traits analyses only for serious crimes threatening life, health or sexual integrity. The possible risk of discrimination and reinforcement of racism, as discussed by scholars from anthropology, bioethics, law, philosophy and sociology, is mentioned less frequently by the study participants than we would have expected. A national DNA database and the widespread use of DNA analyses for police and justice have an impact on the entire society. Therefore the concerns of lay persons from the respective population should be heard and considered. The aims of this study were to draw a broader picture of the public opinion on DNA databasing and to contribute to the debate about the possible future use of genetics to reveal phenotypic characteristics. Our data might provide an additional perspective for experts involved in regulatory or legislative processes.

High Value Lies, Ugly Truths, and the First Amendment

Lying has a complicated relationship with the First Amendment. It is beyond question that some lies – such as perjury or pretending to be a police officer – are not covered by the First Amendment. But it is equally clear that some lies, even intentionally lying about military honors, are entitled to First Amendment protection. U.S. v. Alvarez, 132 S. Ct. 2537 (2012). To date, however, both Supreme Court doctrine and academic commentary has taken for granted that any constitutional protection for lies is purely prophylactic – it protects the liar to avoid chilling truthful speech. This Article is the first to argue, contrary to conventional wisdom, that certain types of lies paradoxically advance the values underlying the First Amendment. Our framework is descriptively novel and doctrinally important insofar as we provide the first comprehensive post-Alvarez look at the wide range of lies that may raise First Amendment issues. Because there was no majority opinion in Alvarez, there is uncertainty about which standard of constitutional scrutiny should apply to protected lies, an issue we examine at length. Moreover, our normative claim is straightforward: when a lie has intrinsic or instrumental value it should be treated differently from other types of lies and warrant the greatest constitutional protection. Specifically, we argue that investigative deceptions – lies used to secure truthful factual information about matters of public concern – deserve the utmost constitutional protection because they advance the underling purposes of free speech: they enhance political discourse, help reveal the truth, and promote individual autonomy. A prototypical investigative deception is the sort of misrepresentation required in order for an undercover journalist, investigator, or activist to gain access to information or images of great political significance that would not be available if the investigator disclosed her reporting or political objectives. Tactical use of such lies have a long history in American journalism and activism, from Upton Sinclair to his modern day heirs. Using the proliferation of anti-whistleblower statutes like Ag Gag laws as an illustrative example, we argue that investigative deceptions are a category of high value lies that ought to receive rigorous protection under the First Amendment. At the same time, we recognize that not all lies are alike and that in other areas, the government regulation of lies serves legitimate interests. We therefore conclude the Article by drawing some limiting principles to our theory.

Opinion building, a public relations guide for home economists.

Mode of access: Internet.

French opinion on war and diplomacy during the Second Empire.

Mode of access: Internet.

Public image of and attitudes toward Smokey the Bear and forest fires: a study conducted for Cooperative Forest Fire Prevention Program /

Mode of access: Internet.

Opinion of the Attorney General of the United States: Importation of meats and animals that have transited countries infected with foot-and-mouth disease or rinderpest.

Mode of access: Internet.

A Statewide survey regarding attitudes and awareness toward AIDS : for the Illinois Department of Public Health.

"December 5, 1989."

Public Perceptions and Pesticides - A Case Study of the Willapa Bay Oyster Bed Spraying Permit of 2015

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

Investigative journalism in Mexico: between ideals and realities. The case of Morelia

The aim of this paper is to analyse the state of the investigative journalism in Mexico, especially the one that is practiced at the local level in the provinces. That is, this research is based upon a case study conducted in Morelia, the capital city of the state of Michoacán. The empirical evidence will show that there is an evident divergence regarding the practice of the investigative journalism: on the one hand, journalists are aware of what this concept involves and they consider that they practice it on a regular basis; but, on the other, the content analysis prove otherwise. In other words, the account of what is actually printed significantly differs from the news workers’ perceptions, because the former shows a poorly developed journalistic investigation practice.