959 resultados para Hymn writers
Resumo:
Este trabajo estudia el proyecto editorial de la Revista de América (1912-1914), fundada en París y dirigida por Francisco García Calderón. Mi propósito es analizar el modo en que muchos de los vínculos entre los escritores latinoamericanos radicados en París entre fines del siglo XIX y la Primera Guerra Mundial se materializaron en la edición de revistas. Propongo examinar las estrategias de difusión de las producciones latinoamericanas en el Viejo Continente, como así también algunos aspectos ideológicos y de intervención intelectual que la revista llegó a articular. En un primer momento, me detengo en los rasgos materiales tanto del proyecto editorial de la revista como de los vínculos entre los latinoamericanos desterrados. Luego indago las distintas formas de mediación crítica, por un lado, y cultural, por otro, que la revista escenificó y, en algunos casos, desarrolló activamente. En efecto, la revista de García Calderón vuelve visible una dimensión mediadora en varios sentidos: mediación crítica entre productores y lectores, pues se propuso como instancia de difusión, al convocar a “a los mejores escritores latinoamericanos”. Al mismo tiempo, propuso otras dos mediaciones: entre pares, al funcionar como consagradora, seleccionando y agrupando simbólicamente a los escritores de cada país latinoamericano. Finalmente, una mediación intercontinental entre culturas en la contemporaneidad, que intentó acercar dos gestos en la acción de la revista: una legitimación del pensamiento y el arte “de ultramar” y una valoración de los desarrollos artísticos europeos del presente.
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A juzgar por alguna declaración más bien negativa de Borges sobre la literatura española, se podría creer que esta no influyó demasiado en él. Sin embargo, existen indicios de que pudo haberse inspirado también en determinados escritores españoles coetáneos hoy casi olvidados. Uno de ellos pudo ser José María Salaverría, entre cuyos relatos destaca “El fichero supremo” (1926), del que se ha dicho que “anticipa algunas de las preocupaciones características de un tipo de relato que Jorge Luis Borges elevará años después a la máxima categoría estética”. De hecho, recuerda a “La biblioteca de Babel” (1941) borgiana por su planteamiento hasta el punto de que podría pensarse que el maestro argentino pudo tener presente, a la hora de escribir esa obra maestra, ese cuento de Salaverría, el cual se publicó por primera vez en Caras y Caretas, una revista porteña que Borges reconoció “devorar” en su juventud. Sin embargo, el interés mayor de la comparación entre “El fichero supremo” y “La biblioteca de Babel” no radica tanto en el carácter de posible fuente del primero como en el contraste entre sus formas de presentación narrativa: desde fuera y en tercera persona en Salaverría, en un marco realista; y desde dentro y en primera persona, prácticamente sin marco, en Borges. Este parece desarrollar, en el registro propio de la “imaginación razonada” descrito por él mismo, una virtualidad presente en el relato de Salaverría, cuya comparación con “La biblioteca de Babel” puede suscitar también alguna reflexión sobre el enigma de la identidad y el carácter de la voz enunciadora de la biblioteca universal de Babel. Al menos, esta parece haber hecho realidad en cierto modo, de forma sublime, el patético sueño divino del archivero imaginado por Salaverría.
Resumo:
A medida que el concepto de "nación" se ha debilitado en estos últimos años, y de forma muy rápida, el límite convencional de la cultura se está desvaneciendo y el mundo se mueve hacia un orden cultural integrado, a través de intercambios constantes entre las culturas, a pesar de las barreras discriminatorias. La literatura, en este sentido, no es una excepción y es necesario discutir la relación entre la literatura coreana y la hispanoamericana desde la perspectiva de la literatura comparativa. El presente estudio ofrece una mirada más cercana al proceso y a los distintos aspectos del modo en que las obras de los escritores hispanoamericanos han sido aceptadas en Corea del Sur. La literatura hispanoamericana se ha introducido en Corea desde principios del siglo XX y se extendió rápidamente a partir de los ochenta, cuando la controversia literaria del posmodernismo se desató y las obras de Borges y García Márquez fueron presentadas a los lectores coreanos. Sería interesante examinar los aspectos sobre cómo los escritores hispanoamericanos como Neruda, Borges y García Márquez se han integrado en la literatura coreana. En esta etapa, sin embargo, es difícil determinar si su influencia es suficientemente permanente como para convertirse en un linaje, o simplemente se trata de un fenómeno temporal. No obstante, la literatura hispanoamericana seguirá expandiendo interrelaciones crecientes con la coreana más allá de las fronteras, ejerciendo una gran influencia entre sí.
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Desde tiempos de José Carlos Mariátegui, la crítica literaria indigenista viene articulando un discurso etnocentrista cuyo eje de producción se sitúa en Perú y los países vecinos, pero rara vez se ha mencionado una obra argentina que trate sobre las desigualdades que sufren los indígenas de ese país. Ni siquiera la academia argentina ha analizado ninguna novela desde la óptica indigenista.En un país cuyos gobiernos, desde el siglo XIX, han tratado de borrar cualquier traza de sangre indígena en su población, ya sea mediante la asimilación, exterminio o invisibilidad, y cuyas zonas de mayor asentamiento indígena se encuentran lejos del hegemónico Buenos Aires, las narraciones de problemas sociales ajenos quedaban encajonadas en el recóndito mundo de la literatura regional.Sin embargo, durante los años de eclosión del movimiento indigenista, escritores argentinos se hicieron eco de los sufrimientos y demandas de sus compatriotas indígenas por medio de novelas que sobrepasaron el peyorativo epíteto regionalista y que incomprensiblemente, han sido olvidadas.En este artículo, que forma parte de un estudio más amplio, se aborda el silencio crítico, se contextualiza la producción indigenista de la época y se analizan brevemente algunas de las obras.
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This article argues that the early development of crime writing needs to be understood in relation to the consolidation of the modern state. It demonstrates that London in the 1720s constitutes a significant moment in this early development for three main reasons. First, the period witnessed a crime epidemic which reached its climax in the 1720s and which precipitated a set of particularly aggressive counter-measures by the state; second, it saw the rise and eventual fall of the infamous Jonathan Wild who acted as both thief and surrogate policeman; and third, it was also marked by a surge in interests on the part of writers like Daniel Defoe and Bernard Mandeville in the related matters of crime and punishment. This article explores the ways in which accounts of crime and punishment in this period deployed and in some instances interrogated the rhetoric of social contract theory and writings on statecraft, particularly by Thomas Hobbes and Mandeville. But while the criminal biographies and gallows sermons produced by the Newgate prison’s ‘ordinaries’ provided crude and reductive accounts of the efficacy of the state, the article shows how two accounts of the life of Jonathan Wild (by Defoe and H.D) responded in highly complex ways to the issues of crime and policing and provided a consistently and self-consciously ambivalent reading of the state and state power. To conclude, I suggest that this ambivalence can be read as a critique of the impartial or neutral state and that it constitutes one of the key features of what we would later understand to be crime writing as a dedicated literary genre.
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While twentieth century Caribbean literature in French (particularly post-Césaire) has generated a large body of criticism, writing from the nineteenth century has been largely neglected. This article begins by contextualising the Creole novel of the early nineteenth century in cultural and historical terms, before proceeding to an analysis of two novels published in 1835 by Martinican authors: Outre-mer by Louis de Maynard, and Les Créoles by Jules Levilloux. In the few studies that exist, these texts have been read in opposition to each other in terms of their portrayal of the (male) mulatto; Levilloux has generally been considered the more progressive writer in this regard. However they are in fact in striking harmony in their depiction of the black mother, a figure (in both senses, as her physiognomy is central in her portrayal) who has until now been overlooked. For both writers, the elderly black mother is an abject and wretched creature. She has necessarily to be shown to be repulsive, filthy and morally hideous in old age in order to counteract the fascination she provokes, and to embody a phantasised repellent to the desires of the white male.
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This paper compares the cultural legacy of the all-female Charabanc with that of Field Day, its fellow counterpart in the Irish Theatre touring movement in the 1980s. It suggests that a conscious awareness amongst the all-male Field Day board of successful writers and directors of what Bourdieu has called 'cultural capital' is implicated in the enduring authority of the work of that company within the history of Irish theatre. Conversely the paper considers if the populist Charabanc, in its steadfast refusal to engage with the hierarchies of academia and publishing, was too neglectful of the cultural capital which it accrued in its heyday and has thus been party to its own occlusion from that same history.
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The complex of buildings at Struell Wells, near Downpatrick, Co. Down, is the most extensive at a holy well in Ireland. It comprises two wells, two bath-houses and the ruins of a church. Nearby is a natural rock feature known as St Patrick’s Chair. The earliest reference to the wells is likely to be in the 8th century Fíacc’s Hymn which records the site being visited by St Patrick. The earliest reference to their healing powers can be dated to the 11th/12th century and the site continued to be a focus of pilgrimage at midsummer until its suppression in the nineteenth century. The site seems to be unique in that bathing in the wells constituted an integral part of the rituals performed by pilgrims. A recent study of the holy well phenomenon in Ireland has suggested that the rituals associated with them have their origins in the Counter-Reformation (Carroll 1999). The evidence from Struell, however, strongly suggests that it was an important sacred site in pre-Christian times.
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From the late 1860s, opera for Dvorák, along with many composers of the Czech national revival, was an abiding preoccupation. This article examines Dvorak’s relationship with his librettists, his approach to their texts, and the extent to which he was prepared to mould their content. While there is no surviving correspondence between Dvorák and the librettist of his last opera, Jaroslav Vrchlický, a copy of the libretto of Armida with annotations in both Vrchlický’s and Dvorák’s hands was found in 2007 among the writer’s papers. Although Dvorák’s stage sense has often been called into question, it is clear that his interventions in the libretto of Armida, in the first and last acts in particular, show a practical, theatrical approach that did much to enhance the dramatic impact of Armida’s first entry and the final chorus of the opera.
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The end of the Occupation, which was much more violent than its beginning, dramatically affected the overall perception of Germans and Germany for many years in post-WWII France. This vision is of course reflected to a large extent in French literature. Yet, paradoxically, many novels—including the ‘best-sellers’ E ´ ducation europe´enne (1945) by Romain Gary, Mon Village a` l’heure allemande (1945) by Jean-Louis Bory or Les Foreˆts de la nuit (1947) by Jean-Louis Curtis—contain a ‘good German’ character. Firstly, this article will give an overview of the dominant representations of Germans in post-WWII France, before suggesting that the ‘good German’ character follows both a literary tradition and the humanist values of the French Resistance, to which these writers claim to subscribe. Finally, it will show how this character, far from blurring the Manichean ideology of the novel in which he appears, actually reinforces it.
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In the late nineteenth century, a number of writers turned to anthropology to predict a socialist future. They included prominent revolutionary socialists: Friedrich Engels, William Morris and members of the Socialist League. Contextualising the appropriation of the anthropologist Lewis Henry Morgan by such readers, this article also pays particular attention to socialist popularisations of anthropology, particularly those by Morris and his fellow writers in his penny weekly, the Commonweal. Focusing on Morris’s articles on ancient society helps to illuminate his own understanding of history, art and socialism. It also sheds new light on his predictive fiction News from Nowhere, which was originally read alongside Commonweal non-fiction. Both, I will argue, encouraged readers to see the future in the struggles of the ancient past.
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As critics have noted, Antillean literature has developed in tandem with a strong (self-) critical and theoretical body of work. The various attempts to theorize Antillean identity (négritude, antillanité, créolité) have been controversial and divisive, and the literary scene has been characterized as explosive, incestuous and self-referential. Yet writers aligned with, or opposed to, a given theory often have superior visibility. Meanwhile writers who claim to operate outside the boundaries of theory, such as Maryse Condé, are often canny theoretical operators who, from prestigious academic or cultural positions, manipulate readers’ responses and their own self-image through criticism. While recent polemics have helped to raise the critical stock of the islands generally, they have particularly enhanced the cultural capital of Chamoiseau and Condé, whose literary antagonism is in fact mutually sustaining. Both writers, through a strong awareness of (and contribution to) the critical field in which their work is read, position themselves as canonical authors.
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This chapter seeks to identify cultural and generic trends and authorial methodologies that may serve to unify or to differentiate between the histories of neo-Latin literature in England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland. It considers ways in which Latin served to bridge horizontal spaces (both physical and metaphorical) between four British regions, between neo-Latin writers in Britain and their continental predecessors and peers, and between Latin and the respective vernacular(s). It also examines vertical spaces (both chronological and cultural) between the neo-Latin and the classical Latin text, and between the linear demarcations of ‘early modern’, ‘Augustan’ and ‘Romantic’. An assessment of links between nationhood and the neo-Latin text as evinced by anthologies, antiquarian and quasi-historical writing, is followed by examples of generic continuity and metamorphosis in the British neo-Latin pastoral, ode and epigram. The concluding sections offer two generic case-studies (neo-Latin epic and didactic) both of which, it is argued, engendered the birth of specifically British versions of the mock-heroic and mock-didactic.
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When James Joyce made two of his characters in ‘‘Portrait of an Artist as a Young Man’’ refer approvingly to ‘‘Vexilla regis prodeunt’’ he was following in the footsteps of a long line of the Latin text’s admirers. Since Anglo-Saxon times English audiences had clearly appreciated the sonorous majesty of this processional hymn, largely because of the solemnity and craft with which it celebrated the nature of Christ’s martial triumph and sacrifice. This article offers a snapshot of different kinds of English appetite for Venantius Fortunatus’ famous religious song for the first thousand years of its existence, from the Anglo-Saxon period through to the mid sixteenth century.