966 resultados para Home economics, Rural


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Includes Bibliography

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The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of the gender and social disparities existing in the agricultural and rural sector in Caribbean economies. In this context, agricultural transformation as occasioned by the dismantling of preferential trading arrangements is analysed to identify the most relevant gender discriminatory measures in the current agricultural development policy and programmes. The analysis seeks to provide the basis for enhancing understanding among policy makers, planners and rural development practitioners of the gender and social dimension involved in the formulation of agricultural policy and more specifically in relation to the new policy and institutional arrangements for agriculture in the region. The paper also provides insights regarding what changes should take place to create an enabling environment for more gender-based approaches to policy-making and strategic planning in agricultural development and trade in the Caribbean. The methodology centred on the review of secondary sources that provide references on the new challenges, opportunities and constraints faced by the agricultural sector, in particular small farmers, in the context of globalization and agriculture transformation. Much of the literature for this assignment was obtained from FAO Headquarters in Rome and the FAO Subregional Office in Barbados, as well as the OECS Secretariat in St. Lucia. In the process of the review exercise, due consideration was given to changes in agricultural production patterns, resources allocation and rural livelihoods. Efforts to examine the most relevant policy measures and mechanisms in-place in support to agricultural development in the region were constrained, in the main, by the absence of gender disaggregated data. Documentation as regards the situation of women and men in relation to agricultural labour, rural income and food security situation in regions were limited. The use of the internet served to bridge the communication gap between countries and institutions. The preliminary draft of the paper was presented and discussed at the FAO/ECLAC/UNIFEM regional workshop on mainstreaming gender analysis in agriculture and trade policies, for Caribbean countries, in November 2003. The second draft of the paper was informed by comments from the workshop and additional information acquired through field visits to Barbados, St. Kitts and St. Vincent in March 2004. The three day visits to each of these three countries entailed a review/appreciation of the resource, constraints and institutional capacities for gender mainstreaming within the agricultural sector at the national level. This included visits to some of the major agricultural projects and interviews with farmers (where feasible) in respect of their perspective of the current situation of the agricultural sector and the viability of their farm enterprises. As well, meetings were held with relevant/available officials within the respective ministries of agriculture to discern the gender consideration as regards agricultural policy and planning at the country level. The internet was invaluable to the task of sourcing supplementary information to satisfy the aim of the paper; in respect of the identification of concrete policy measures and actions to formulate and develop more gender/social-responsive agricultural development policies. The final revision, though thwart with resource and communication constraints, was ultimately completed in compliance with the structure and approach proposed in the terms of references for this FAO/ECLAC assignment.

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O estudo trata da experiência da Casa Familiar Rural do município de Gurupá, situado na mesorregião do Marajó no Estado do Pará. Discute a relação da Educação do campo, Poder Local e políticas Públicas no contexto local, enfatizando a concepção de organização Pública Não Estatal na oferta da educação do campo e da relação entre Sociedade Civil e Estado. Seu objetivo principal foi analisar as especificidades da experiência da referida Casa e suas contribuições para as políticas públicas locais bem como na constituição do poder local. O enfoque desta pesquisa foi classificado como Qualitativo, sendo o principal instrumento de coleta de dados a entrevista semi-estruturada aplicada a oito sujeitos. Além das entrevistas foram utilizados documentos e visita local. As questões que conduziram a análise dos dados foram: o que é a CFR e qual seu projeto educativo para o campesinato gurupaense? Como se estabelecem as relações entre a Casa Familiar Rural e os atores acima citados? Que políticas públicas estão sendo alcançadas em benefício da comunidade camponesa a partir dessa configuração de poder local? O que isso contribui com o âmbito local e para o fortalecimento de um projeto de desenvolvimento educacional e econômico do campo? Com base na análise das informações, o estudo demonstrou que a Casa Familiar Rural de Gurupá, a partir de sua participação efetiva nos espaços públicos e na composição de parcerias com governos, com organizações não-governamentais (Ong’s) e com a sociedade civil, vem influenciando, propondo e executando políticas públicas neste município, constituindo-se como importante agente na constituição do Poder Local. A pesquisa demonstrou que a Casa tem se consolidado como uma importante referência na educação do campo no município de Gurupá.

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Introduction:The regular practice of physical activity is being used as a therapeutic resource to the elderly population, with the objective of reduction of the losses provoked by the growing old process. The home place (urban or rural) is still little explored in literature about your infl uence in the physical capacity of the elderly people. Objective: The aim of this study was to value and compare the quality of life, motion and functional capacity between physically active and sedentary elderly people, residents in the urban and rural area. Methods: Sixty people with age above 60 years old were valued, 20 physically active residents in the urban area (66,5 ± 4,32 years), 20 sedentary residents in the urban area (68,8± 7,24 years), 10 physically active residents in the rural area (64,4±2,46 years) and 10 sedentary residents in the rural area (68±5,78 years). It was realized the evaluation of the fl exibility (previous fl exon of the trunk), mobility (timed up and go test), a six-minute walk test and answered a quality of life’s questionnaire SF-36. To compare the results obtained by the two groups was used the Kruskal-Wallis test, and the signifi cant presence of the test was performed post hoc Newman-Keuls. The level of signifi cance used in statistical analysis was 5% (p<0,05).Results: It was observed that the physically active elderly people obtaine better performance on the six-minutes walk test. It wasn’t found difference in the mobility among the groups. In relation to the quality of life, the elderly residents in the rural area, were better in the component Vitally. In relation to the fl exibility the elderly residents in the urban area obtained the best results. So, we can conclude that the practice of physical activity realized by the volunteers contributed to a better functional capacity, observed by the biggest distance gone through on the walk test. The rural home place positively infl uenced the vitality control, while the fl exibility was worse presented in these elderly people.

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A home filing system makes important papers readily available when needed. If managed properly, the filing system can get older papers out of the way, making needed records more accessible. A well-organized filing system for your household can pay big dividends when it comes time to find an important paper you need NOW. There is no one best filing system for everyone; what works for you could be a disaster for someone else. Once set up, a filing system helps you to be a more effective and efficient financial manager and decision maker.

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Results from the 2008 Nebraska Rural Poll showed rural Nebraskans were more optimistic about their lives than they have been in previous years. More Nebraskans believed they were better off than they were five years ago, and more were optimistic about their futures. They had reason to be optimistic last year, the agricultural economy in 2007 was strong, especially for crop producers. The poll was taken between March and May, 2008, before the national economy began to falter in October. Thus the 2009 Nebraska Rural Poll will help clarify how rural Nebraskans are responding to the current economic times.

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Recruiting and retaining new residents is critically important to communities that are experiencing either job growth or a declining population. City councils and village boards across the state often ask the question, “How can we bring in and keep new people today?” This issue has not gone unnoticed by the Nebraska Department of Economic Development or the University of Nebraska.

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Many rural communities focus their development efforts on job creation. In the non-metropolitan portions of the Northern Great Plains, job creation efforts in the first half of this decade were quite successful. According to the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA, 2005), 167 of the 223 non-metropolitan counties in Nebraska, North Dakota and South Dakota saw an actual aggregate increase in total jobs (full and part-time) of 28,734, between the years 2001 and 2005.

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Baby boomers are doing it again... breaking all the molds and playing havoc with trends. This time it is with migration. Baby boomers, those born between 1946 and 1964, are entering a stage of life when it is predicted that a significant number of them will be moving to rural areas; especially those areas with scenic amenities and low housing costs.

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Many rural communities are experiencing population decline. However, rural residents have continued to show a strong attachment to their communities. How do rural Nebraskans feel about their community? Are they satisfied with the services provided? Do they own their home? What is the condition of their home? This report details 2,851 responses to the 2005 Nebraska Rural Poll, the tenth annual effort to understand rural Nebraskans’ perceptions. Respondents were asked a series of questions about their community and housing. Trends for some of these questions are examined by comparing data from the nine previous polls to this year’s results. For all questions, comparisons are made among different respondent subgroups, that is, comparisons by age, occupation, region, etc. Based on these analyses, some key findings emerged: Rural Nebraskans’ views of the change in their community are similar to those expressed last year. This year, 28 percent believe their community has changed for the better, compared to 26 percent last year. And, in 2005, only 20 percent think their community has changed for the worse, compared to 22 percent last year. The proportion of expected movers who plan to leave the state decreased this year. Last year, 56 percent of the persons planning to move from their community expected to leave the state. That proportion decreased to 47 percent this year. Rural Nebraskans living in or near the largest communities are more likely than persons living in or near the smaller communities to say their community has changed for the better. Thirty-nine percent of persons living in or near communities with populations of 10,000 or more believe their community has changed for the better during the past year, but only 15 percent of persons living in or near communities with less than 500 people share this opinion. The community services and amenities that rural Nebraskans are most dissatisfied with include: entertainment, retail shopping and restaurants. At least one-third of rural Nebraskans express dissatisfaction with these three services. They are most satisfied with parks and recreation, library services, basic medical care services, highways and bridges, and education (K - 12). At least one-half of rural Nebraskans are satisfied with the following items in their community: appearance of residential areas (66%), crime control (61%), maintenance of sidewalks and public areas (57%) and noise (54%). Rural Nebraskans generally have positive views about their community. Sixty percent agree that their community is an ideal place to live and 52 percent say their community has good business leaders. Rural Nebraskans have mixed opinions about the future of their community. Fortyfour percent agree that their community’s future looks bright, but 42 percent disagree with this statement. Fourteen percent have no opinion. Rural Nebraskans living in or near the larger communities are more likely than residents of the smaller communities to think their community’s future looks bright. Fifty-nine percent of persons living in or near communities with populations of 10,000 or more agree with this statement, compared to only 25 percent of residents living in or near communities with less than 500 people. Further, 61 percent of the residents of the smallest communities disagree with this statement, compared to only 28 percent of the residents of the largest communities. Over three-quarters of rural Nebraskans disagree that younger residents of their community tend to stay there after completing high school. Seventy-six percent disagree with this statement, 16 percent have no opinion and eight percent agree that younger residents stay after completing high school. When comparing responses by age, younger persons are more likely than older persons to agree that younger residents stay in their community after high school. Sixteen percent of persons age 19 to 29 agree with this statement, compared to only six percent of persons age 50 to 64. Younger persons are more likely than older persons to be planning to move from their community next year. Fifteen percent of persons between the ages of 19 and 29 are planning to move next year, compared to only two percent of persons age 65 and older. An additional 17 percent of the younger respondents indicate they are uncertain if they plan to move. Most rural Nebraskans own their home. Eighty-four percent of rural Nebraskans own their home. Older persons are more likely than younger persons to own their home. Eighty-eight percent of persons over the age of 50 own their home, compared to only 52 percent of persons age 19 to 29. Housing in rural Nebraska has an average age of 50 years. Twenty-four percent of residences were built before 1930. Another 24 percent were built between 1930 and 1959. Twenty-nine percent were built between 1960 and 1979 and the remaining 24 percent were built in 1980 or later. The housing stock in smaller communities is older than the housing located in larger communities. Over one-third (35%) of the residences in communities with less than 1,000 people were built before 1930. Only 12 percent of the homes in communities with populations of 10,000 or more were built in this time period. Most rural Nebraskans appear satisfied with their home. Only 24 percent say the current size of their home does not meet their needs. The same proportion (24%) say their home is in need of major repairs. Thirty-eight percent agree that their home needs a lot of routine maintenance, but 87 percent like the location (neighborhood) of their home. One-third of rural Nebraskans living in or near the smallest communities say their home is in need of major repairs. Only 19 percent of persons living in or near communities with populations of 5,000 or more are facing this problem. Home ownership is very important to most rural Nebraskans. Eighty-two percent believe it is very important to own their home. An additional 12 percent say it is somewhat important and six percent say it is not at all important. However, persons who do not currently own their home do not feel it is important for them to do so. Only 32 percent of renters say it is very important to own their home, compared to 91 percent of home owners. And, 35 percent of renters say it is not at all important to own their home.

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To commemorate the 10th anniversary of the Nebraska Rural Poll, rural Nebraskans were asked about changes they may have experienced during the past ten years. Where have they lived during the past decade? In what types of business activities have they been involved? Have they received any education or training during that time period? What has been their experience with the Internet? This report details 2,851 responses to the 2005 Nebraska Rural Poll, the tenth annual effort to understand rural Nebraskans’ perceptions. Respondents were asked a series of questions about changes they have experienced during the past ten years. For all questions, comparisons are made among different respondent subgroups, that is, comparisons by age, occupation, region, etc. Based on these analyses, some key findings emerged: One quarter of rural Nebraskans have lived somewhere other than their current community during the past ten years. Of those who have lived elsewhere, they have moved their primary residence an average of 2.2 times. Younger rural Nebraskans are more likely than older residents to have lived elsewhere during the past decade. Sixty-six percent of persons between the ages of 19 and 29 have lived in a different location, compared to only 12 percent of persons age 65 and older. Many rural Nebraskans who have lived in a different community during the past ten years have lived in another state. Forty-one percent of persons who have lived elsewhere during the past decade have lived in a different state. Forty-five percent have lived in a larger community (18% have lived in either Omaha or Lincoln and 27% have lived in or near a Nebraska community larger than their current one - other than Lincoln or Omaha). Thirty-six percent have lived in or near a Nebraska community smaller than their current one. Twenty percent of rural Nebraskans currently own a business. Thirteen percent started operating a business during the past ten years, 10 percent closed or stopped operating a business during this time period and four percent tried unsuccessfully to start a business. Persons living in or near the smallest communities are more likely than persons living in or near larger communities to currently own a business. Twenty-nine percent of persons living in or near communities with less than 500 people currently own a business, compared to 15 percent of persons living in or near communities with at least 10,000 persons. In general, rural Nebraskans have favorable opinions about self-employment but they also recognize the hardships and risks involved with this type of employment. Sixtyone percent agree that self-employment is desirable because they can be their own boss. Forty-four percent agree that self-employment provides a better quality of life than being an employee. However, 74 percent agree that self-employed individuals work longer hours than traditional employees and 70 percent agree that the cost of health insurance makes self-employment unappealing. Younger persons are more likely than older persons to agree that the cost of health insurance makes self-employment unappealing. Eighty percent of persons age 19 to 29 agree with that statement, compared to 55 percent of persons age 65 and older. One-half of rural Nebraskans have participated in formal education courses, workshops or other training activities during the past ten years. Sixty-nine percent of rural Nebraskans have Internet access either at home or at work. Sixty-six percent have acquired Internet access either at home or at work during the past ten years. An additional three percent had acquired access more than ten years ago. Persons with higher levels of income are more likely than persons with lower incomes to have acquired Internet access. Sixty-six percent of persons with household incomes of $60,000 or more have acquired Internet access at both home and work during the past ten years, compared to only 11 percent of persons with household incomes less than $20,000. Information searches and email are the most important reasons for having an Internet connection. Eighty-nine percent of rural Nebraskans with access to the Internet at either home or work say that information searches are an important or very important reason for having an Internet connection. Eighty-three percent say email is an important reason. In general, rural Nebraskans say their satisfaction with various features of their Internet connection has increased during the past ten years. Fifty-five percent of rural Nebraskans with an Internet connection at home say their satisfaction with the availability of service has increased during the past ten years and 50 percent report an increase in their satisfaction with the speed of their connection. Persons living in or near the larger communities are more likely than persons living in or near the smaller communities to say their satisfaction with the speed of their Internet connection has increased during the past ten years. Fifty-four percent of persons living in or near communities with populations of 5,000 or more say their satisfaction with the speed of their connection has increased over the past decade, compared to 43 percent of persons living in or near communities with less than 1,000 people.

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Tajikistan, with 93% of its surface area taken up by mountains and 65% of its labor force employed in agriculture, is judged to be highly vulnerable to risks, including climate change risks and food insecurity risks. The article examines a set of land use policies and practices that can be used to mitigate the vulnerability of Tajikistan’s large rural population, primarily by increasing family incomes. Empirical evidence from Tajikistan and other CIS countries suggests that families with more land and higher commercialization earn higher incomes and achieve higher well-being. The recommended policy measures that are likely to increase rural family incomes accordingly advocate expansion of smallholder farms, improvement of livestock productivity, increase of farm commercialization through improvement of farm services, and greater diversification of both income sources and the product mix. The analysis relies for supporting evidence on official statistics and recent farm surveys. Examples from local initiatives promoting sustainable land management practices and demonstrating the implementation of the proposed policy measures are presented.

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Background It is commonly assumed that indigenous medical systems remain strong in developing countries because biomedicine is physically inaccessible or financially not affordable. This paper compares the health-seeking behavior of households from rural Andean communities at a Peruvian and a Bolivian study site. The main research question was whether the increased presence of biomedicine led to a displacement of Andean indigenous medical practices or to coexistence of the two healing traditions. Methodology Open-ended interviews and free listing exercises were conducted between June 2006 and December 2008 with 18 households at each study site. Qualitative identification of households’ therapeutic strategies and use of remedies was carried out by means of content analysis of interview transcriptions and inductive interference. Furthermore, a quantitative assessment of the incidence of culture-bound illnesses in local ethnobiological inventories was performed. Results Our findings indicate that the health-seeking behavior of the Andean households in this study is independent of the degree of availability of biomedical facilities in terms of quality of services provided, physical accessibility, and financial affordability, except for specific practices such as childbirth. Preference for natural remedies over pharmaceuticals coexists with biomedical healthcare that is both accessible and affordable. Furthermore, our results show that greater access to biomedicine does not lead to less prevalence of Andean indigenous medical knowledge, as represented by the levels of knowledge about culture-bound illnesses. Conclusions The take-home lesson for health policy-makers from this study is that the main obstacle to use of biomedicine in resource-poor rural areas might not be infrastructural or economic alone. Rather, it may lie in lack of sufficient recognition by biomedical practitioners of the value and importance of indigenous medical systems. We propose that the implementation of health care in indigenous communities be designed as a process of joint development of complementary knowledge and practices from indigenous and biomedical health traditions.