997 resultados para Elites político-administrativas


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A dissertação de mestrado com o título de O Visconde da Ribeira Brava na 1ª República Madeirense apresenta a vida e a acção política empreendida por Francisco Correia de Herédia, sob a égide da 1.ª República. Neste estudo é possível identificar as medidas empreendidas pelo ilustre político nas corporações administrativas locais da Junta Geral do Distrito do Funchal, da Junta Agrícola da Madeira, da Junta Autónoma das Obras do Porto do Funchal e da Santa Casa da Misericórdia. A acção parlamentar do Visconde da Ribeira Brava durante as legislaturas de 1911-15 e de 1915-17 constam, igualmente, da investigação. Os momentos mais carismáticos protagonizados pelo ilustre político e as homenagens a ele atribuídas em território nacional encerram o estudo, que teve como fontes principais os acervos documentais e jornalísticos existentes no Arquivo Regional da Madeira, no Arquivo Histórico Parlamentar da Assembleia da República e na Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal.

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Compreender a liderança numa organização escolar, nomeadamente num jardim-deinfância, numa sociedade em que a educação defronta inúmeras mutações que implicam a sua (re) construção numa amplitude focalizada em procedimentos políticoadministrativos. Desencadeamos um estudo que nos fez caminhar pelas histórias de vida, por via de entrevistas episódicas de uma líder escolar considerando o Infantário “O Carrocel”, no Concelho do Funchal, o locus privilegiado do nosso estudo de caso. O objeto de análise foi a liderança escolar em conformidade com as representações pessoais, profissionais e sociais da diretora. Questionámos os educadores e professores procurando, através dos inquéritos por questionário, compreender qual o estilo de liderança mais vivido pela líder. Sendo notório o desgaste psicológico referido pela líder, pelo efeito das burocracias, e pela sua tenacidade em desempenhar o seu papel, a sua liderança ajusta-se entre a liderança transacional e a liderança transformacional tendo como foco preliminar as relações humanas. É facto, que as representações, a ética e a educabilidade da líder coexistiram para uma boa liderança e respetivas relações grupais sendo que numa liderança, em educação, persiste a imprevisibilidade e a complexidade em torno de um contexto social e político. Uma liderança direcionada para os valores e princípios em que o desempenho da líder permitiu, apesar de dificuldades e receios sentidos no abraço a este projeto, encaminhar as suas práticas administrativas e pedagógicas com determinação num acreditar de uma estratégia de trabalho comum e de equipa. Certamente, com este estudo iremos refletir na educação de hoje e no entendimento do que é ser líder, e essencialmente na coexistência de líderes educadores num propósito de reconhecer que os infantários, apesar de pequenas organizações educativas, são fortes âncoras em contextos de diversidade.

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A presente investigação desenvolve um estudo sobre o percurso histórico das elites municipais do concelho da Ponta do Sol, entre 1878 e 1886, inserindo-as no contexto global das regras definidas pelo suporte legislativo do Código Administrativo de 1878, bem como no espaço socioeconómico, onde detiveram um papel preponderante e decisivo nos destinos do mesmo. Esta dissertação analisa a realidade local na construção de uma identidade municipal, aplicando métodos e técnicas de investigação histórica. A partir de fontes manuscritas, como os recenseamentos eleitorais, este trabalho faz a inventariação do corpus eleitoral do concelho supramencionado, isto é, a caracterização socioeconómica dos cidadãos habilitados a votar (eleitores) e dos elegíveis, culminando nos eleitos para os cargos municipais. De igual modo, procurou conhecer as áreas de intervenção da Câmara Municipal da Ponta do Sol e respetivos espaços de atuação da elite dirigente camarária.

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Based on the definitions of Public Communication, Political Marketing, Public Interest Information and Communication as a Tool of Governance, the study notes the use of the news section of the websites of the City Christmas and Mossoro, Rio Grande do Norte, in regard to strengthening citizenship and encouraging participatory management, from the characterization of materials like pieces of Political Marketing and Public Communication. Data collection in qualitative research was conducted from August to September 2011 and content analysis showed that the appropriation of public property for personal use is a reality, despite legal requirements to the detriment of strategic communication and governance for results from the dissemination of information of public interest and the establishment of a communication channel between State Government and Society. Elements of this study suggest the need for further research to deepen the discussion

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At a time of changes on the territory during the 19th century, the political and socioeconomic elites of the province and later State of Rio Grande do Norte evolved a discourse in order to justify the permanence of Natal as a city holding a status of capital. In this work we analyze the means employed by the ruling classes to impose their wish to raise Natal to an outstanding position among the existing cities by intervening on the territory during a period of one hundred years (1820-1920). During that time, which was characterized by changing commercial flows and technological development, the elites interventions were essentially directed to the implementation of modes of transportation, especially the railway. We try to understand the reinforcement of Natal as a capital city not only in political and administrative terms, but mainly in a commercial and symbolic manner, through the discourse and interventions undertaken by the local administrative elites, who stimulated the creation of a set of relations on the territory that also imprinted visible marks in the capital s urban fabric. These interventions were based upon the establishment of an infrastructure for exporting the State s production, firstly through and despite the Potengi River, and later on by the construction of railways. Although the project of Natal s hegemony had been outlined before the establishment of the railway network, in both cases the ultimate objective was to reinforce and develop the capital city as a commercial urban center to the detriment of other cities

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The theme of civil society has resonated significantly in the analysis of social science studies and has long been the center of public opinion, applied to a vast range of contexts, significances and political ideological connotations. Starting with such an unstable theoretical scenario, our research proposal scrutinized two civil society analysis traditions. Embodied by Antonio Gramsci and Jürgen Habermas, these politically conceptual differences are significantly divided into distinct interpretations of the relationship between the state and civil society. On one side, in Gramsci's work, we observe civil society as historically constituted through "molecular expansion of the state", organizing itself during its obligatory constitutive moment. On the other, Habermas shows us a civil society instituted from the structural differentiation process of society developed due to the contradiction existing between the different ways the state administration is organized, the economy and daily social interaction (in which it is found). As a consequence, civil society is no longer seen as a political arena and the hegemonic catalyst of the state, but as a social arrangement destined to increase the viability of the ethical and dialogical reconstruction of social life. It follows that the understanding of the distinctions between both models of civil society become crucial in the measure that they are divided in relation to the delineation of acting agents, fighting strategies, and to the objective of their actions.Despite the existence of analytical dissonance, we intend to outline the common points between both these civil society analysis traditions whose conflicting political action models lead us to a greater understanding of our contemporary political scene. This will be done starting with the systematization of both selected authors' principal categories, and through the introduction of the "contra-hegemonic public sphere" concept

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

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In this work we have analyzed the political commitment of the social assistance sponsored by the Bradesco Foundation in João Pessoa. This Foundation is a private institution of public interest that provides social assistance to low income populations all over Brazil. This kind of work is one of the oldest management initiatives in what is actually referred to as managers` social responsibility. This thesis assumes that managers who are in fact socially responsible should guide their actions by the principles of social democracy, so that everyone can enjoy citizens` social freedom, and guarantee their rights as well as the political awareness of social actors. Analysis of documents and a qualitative approach have been applied to the pedagogical Project of the Foundation, as well as phenomenology to study the social profile of their students. The analysis of the pedagogical project as well as the students` standpoint towards life reveals that the Bradesco Foundation is indeed committed to the social efficacy of its students. The educational proposal of the organization includes those elements that are required for teenagers` education envisaging participative citizenship. The teenagers` speech reveals that they have developed the project identity, being therefore able to take part in the process of political transformation of our time. The results indicate that the Bradesco Foundation not only guarantees some of the basic social rights for the healthy development of those who attend their courses, but also sponsors a high level education providing both a technical and a political formation

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This work is an attempt to show that the ideological conflict that has been developed by the hegemony of the 1930 Revolution historical events in Paraíba, conceptually turned into an insoluble social contradiction. It ocurred due to imaginary or formal resolutions of the literature that ended up by altering the epistemological rules of the relation between fiction and reality. The present work is based on The unconscious politics: a narrative as a socially symbolic act , book in which all the literary or cultural texts can and should be read as symbolic resolutions to insoluble social contradictions. From string to contemporary literature this phenomenon has been registered by the several ways of textual production turning the 1930 Revolution into one of the main elements which guides the political scene of Paraíba. The ideological groups still centered on the political resentment and committed to a political conflict forged the existence of two historical truths: one which suits the liberais , the winners, and another is of the 1930 conflict. This work argues in favour of the unconscious politics of the 1930 Revolution. This thesis considers necessarily the relation that the Paraibana society maintains with its past and how this past reaches in the present the liberation of a hidden and repressed truth through its narrativization. Beyond that, how the ideological partiality generated the political resentment through the way of thinking of the rivals under the perspective of the good and evil reveals its insoluble social contradiction. Process which comprehends varied narrative forms of the mass culture products and literary production, as in the methodological perspective pointed by Fredric Jameson that all literary or cultural texts can and shall be read as symbolic resolutions of true political and social contradictions. In the case of Paraiba we will have resolutions that search for the reasons which caused the death of João Pessoa: forgery and publicity of love letters, dispute over the official version of suicide commited by João Dantas, the man who assassinated João Pessoa