999 resultados para Déviance (vol, délinquance, vandalisme, isolement social)


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Political science is both a generalizing and an anchored, nationally defined, discipline. Too often, the first perspective tends to crowd out the latter, because it appears more prestigious, objective, or scientific. Behind the international/national dichotomy, there are indeed rival conceptions of social science, and important ontological, epistemological and methodological assumptions. This article discusses these assumptions and stresses the critical contribution of idiographic, single-outcome studies, the importance of producing relevant, usable knowledge, and the distinctive implications of studying one’s own country, where a scholar is also a citizen, involved in more encompassing national conversations. The aim is not to reject the generalizing, international perspective, or even the comparative approach, but rather to reaffirm the importance of maintaining as well, and in fact celebrating, the production of social scientific knowledge directly relevant for our own times and places.

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This article assesses the responses of EU-15 member states to the poverty reduction objectives of the Open Method of Coordination (OMC) on social inclusion between 2001 and 2006. As a flexible mechanism of information sharing between governments, the OMC could not produce strong convergence. A thorough analysis of the OMC documents indeed points to the enduring power of national institutions and partisan politics, for the three dimensions of social inclusion identified by the EU (rights, labour market policies, and participation). There was however some learning and adaptation around emerging policy ideas like activation and the participation of people experiencing poverty.

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Since the first edition of the World Social Forum in Porto Alegre, Brazil, 2001, similar initiatives have flourished at the local scales. In the existing literature, local social forums are generally considered to be a natural replication of the world social forums. Beyond the label “social forums,” what do the practices of local social forums specifically entail and what is the meaning of these practices for local activists?I propose a comparison of eight cases situated in two distinct societies (Quebec and France). I use a multi-approach methodology, combining direct observation, focus groups, interviews, and documentary analysis.I show that despite strong national differences, a highly decentralized process, and the strong autonomy of local actors, local social forums share structural characteristics, and the expression “social forum” is associated with ways of doing things that limit the variety of local social forum initiatives: organizers share a common intentionality; the mode of operation of local social forum process and event belong to the same political culture and translate into the same practices; and the outputs of these gatherings are similar in terms of the building of ties. Overall, local social forums are used as tactical and cultural collective action repertoires by actors, redefining the boundaries of social resistance and its practices.

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Le présent travail de recherche se propose d’analyser les dispositifs de gouvernance nodale de la sécurité locale en France, alors que le paradigme a vu le jour et s’est développé dans les pays anglo-saxons fortement décentralisés. C’est qu’en France les dispositifs de gouvernance nodale s’apparentent bien plus à un dialogue entre central et local qu’entre secteur public et privé. La recherche identifie ainsi les caractéristiques de la gouvernance nodale au cœur des dispositifs partenariaux de la sécurité locale, supportés par le Contrat Local de Sécurité (CLS), le Conseil Local de Sécurité et de Prévention de la Délinquance (CLSPD) ou encore le Groupe Local de Traitement de la Délinquance (GLTD). La recherche identifie ainsi les stratégies de décentrage de l’État et de transfert de la production de sécurité vers une diversité d’acteurs locaux, dont les maires et les services municipaux. Une diversité de politiques publiques locales de sécurité de pertinences différentes voit alors le jour. Le premier enseignement de cette recherche est l’importance du rôle joué par le node super-structurel, que nous appelons super-node et qui regroupe le maire ou l’élu local à la sécurité, le responsable de la police d’État, celui de la police municipale et le représentant de l’État. Il apparaît que dans le dispositif de gouvernance nodale, ce groupe informel génère la dynamique collective qui permet de regrouper, tant les producteurs que les consommateurs de sécurité locale gravitant au sein du réseau local de sécurité. La quarantaine d’entrevues qualitatives permet également d’identifier que la Justice, productrice de sécurité comme peut l’être aussi la sécurité privée ou la médiation sociale, apparaît plus distante que ce que pouvait laisser penser l’étude des textes réglementaires organisant le partenariat. Les bailleurs sociaux, les transporteurs et l’Éducation nationale apparaissent clairement comme des acteurs importants, mais périphériques de sécurité, en intégrant cette « famille élargie » de la sécurité locale. Le deuxième enseignement est relatif au fonctionnement même du dispositif nodal ainsi que du super-node, la recherche permettant d’identifier les ressources mutualisées par l’ensemble des nodes. Cela permet également d’identifier les mécanismes de répartition des tâches entre les différents acteurs et plus particulièrement entre les deux organisations policières d’État et municipale, travaillant autant en compétition, qu’en complémentarité. Cette recherche explore également le rôle joué par l’information dans le fonctionnement du super-node ainsi que l’importance de la confiance dans les relations interpersonnelles des représentants des nodes au sein du super-node. Enfin, l’étude permet également de mettre en perspective les limites du dispositif actuel de gouvernance nodale : le défaut avéré d’outils performants permettant d’informer convenablement le super-node quant aux phénomènes de violence ainsi que d’évaluer l’efficience du dispositif. Cela permet également de questionner l’autonomie des dispositifs de gouvernance nodale, la confiance pouvant ouvrir à la déviance et la collégialité au défaut de la traçabilité de la responsabilité. La fracture avec la société civile apparaît clairement et ne facilite pas le contrôle sur un mode de production de sécurité qui se développe en parallèle des dispositifs traditionnels de démocratie locale.

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Tourism is an industry which is heavily dependent on marketing. Mouth to mouth communication has played a major role in shaping a number of destinations.This is particularly true in modern parlance.This is social networking phenomenon which is fast spreading over the internet .Many sites provide visitors a lot of freedom to express their views.Promotion of a destination depends lot on conversation and exchange of information over these social networks.This paper analyses the social networking sites their contribution to marketing tourism and hoapitality .The negetive impacts phenomena are also discussed

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In a household or nations production system, social capital has been recognized as an input having major implications for project design as well as policy development. Using a structured questionnaire, household level data was obtained from a representative sample of 300 rural households in Msinga, KwaZulu-Natal. This study employed the conventional household economic behaviour model under constrained utility maximisation to examine the effect of social capital on the welfare of household, testing the hypothesis that the possession of social capital improves household welfare. The result shows that social capital endowments have a statistically significant positive effect on household welfare, in addition to the some household’s demographic and socio-economic characteristics. The study concluded that, access to social capital among other factors, is very crucial for improved rural household welfare and poverty reduction. It is therefore important for government to have knowledge of existing social groups and networks as this will improve the effectiveness of the present strategies aimed at reducing poverty.

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This article aims to analyse the progress taken by Brazil towards the accomplishment of a sustainable development, mainly highlighting the success of the Zero Hunger social programme in achieving the elimination of starvation. As one of the essential pillars to the sustainable development, the State’s social performance demands actions directed to the elimination of extreme poverty and hunger, establishing a basis for equitable growth. It is necessary to clarify the juridical and constitutional framework of Brazil, aiming to emphasise the Zero Hunger importance in achieving the Brazilian Republic’s goals and reaching an international pattern on sustainable development. Also, it will be stressed that the international order influences Brazilian domestic law and is one of the main aspects for the Zero Hunger program development.

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Los programas de inmersión lingüística han constituido y constituyen dentro del Sistema Educativo catalán la principal forma para que el alumnado de lengua familiar no-catalana aprenda una nueva lengua, el catalán, sin que, en su proceso de aprendizaje, vea mermado ni el desarrollo de su propia lengua ni su rendimiento académico. El éxito de la inmersión lingüística en las décadas anteriores ha sido frecuentemente utilizado como uno de los argumentos orientativos para justificar la política lingüística que se sigue en la escolarización de la infancia extranjera. Sin embargo, los resultados obtenidos por investigaciones recientes parece que no avalan empíricamente dicho argumento. Este artículo analiza dichos resultados y expone, a partir del Plan para la Lengua y Cohesión Social puesto en marcha por el Departamento de Educación de la Generalitat de Cataluña, cuáles son los retos que se presentan a su Sistema Educativo dentro del nuevo marco que supone el aumento de la diversidad cultural y lingüística en la actual sociedad catalana

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El Plan para la Lengua y la Cohesión Social es un proyecto estratégico del gobierno de Cataluña para la mejora de la educación. Sus tres objetivos fundamentales son: consolidar la lengua catalana, fomentar la educación intercultural y promover la igualdad de oportunidades. Este artículo explica el origen y las finalidades del Plan, sus ejes estratégicos y emblemáticos, y los contextos socioculturales y políticos en los que se plantea y desarrolla

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Our goal in this paper is to assess reliability and validity of egocentered network data using multilevel analysis (Muthen, 1989, Hox, 1993) under the multitrait-multimethod approach. The confirmatory factor analysis model for multitrait-multimethod data (Werts & Linn, 1970; Andrews, 1984) is used for our analyses. In this study we reanalyse a part of data of another study (Kogovšek et al., 2002) done on a representative sample of the inhabitants of Ljubljana. The traits used in our article are the name interpreters. We consider egocentered network data as hierarchical; therefore a multilevel analysis is required. We use Muthen's partial maximum likelihood approach, called pseudobalanced solution (Muthen, 1989, 1990, 1994) which produces estimations close to maximum likelihood for large ego sample sizes (Hox & Mass, 2001). Several analyses will be done in order to compare this multilevel analysis to classic methods of analysis such as the ones made in Kogovšek et al. (2002), who analysed the data only at group (ego) level considering averages of all alters within the ego. We show that some of the results obtained by classic methods are biased and that multilevel analysis provides more detailed information that much enriches the interpretation of reliability and validity of hierarchical data. Within and between-ego reliabilities and validities and other related quality measures are defined, computed and interpreted

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