697 resultados para Australia -- Foreign relations -- 1945-1965


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The purpose of this chapter is to trace the emergence of a new security imaginary in the foreign policy discourse in Germany during the 1990s and to determine whether it constitutes a return of Geopolitik in German foreign policy making. Does the re- appearance of geopolitical terms and expressions in the official and the academic discourses in post-unification Germany indicate such a shift? The essay will argue that the claims about a return of Geopolitik cannot be sustained. To the extent that the rhetoric of German government officials changes during the 1990s, this does not produce a coherent geopolitical security imaginary that stands diametrically opposed to the definition of political and institutional spaces of the Bonner Republik.

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This study critically evaluates industrial relations (IR) in South-Eastern Europe and points towards future practical and research-oriented opportunities in the region. A survey of organizational policies and practices has been used to explore the state of IR in both private and public organizations in this region. Specifically, the data, collected in 2009–2010 (including the latest changes due to the economic crisis), cover 840 different organizations located in Slovenia, Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece and Cyprus. We discuss the development of ‘regional-specific’ IR policies, the ‘importing’ of varieties of capitalism models, the diffusion of the European Union social model and the role of foreign MNCs in changing IR in the region.

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By the mid-1930s the major Hollywood studios had developed extensive networks of distribution subsidiaries across five continents. This article focuses on the operation of American film distributors in Australia – one of Hollywood's largest foreign markets. Drawing on two unique primary datasets, the article compares and investigates film distribution in Sydney's first-run and suburban-run markets. It finds that the subsidiaries of US film companies faced a greater liability of foreignness in the city centre market than in the suburban one. Our data support the argument that film audiences in local or suburban cinema markets were more receptive to Hollywood entertainment than those in metropolitan centres.

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Discussion of the national interest often focuses on how Britain's influence can be maximized, rather than on the goals that influence serves. Yet what gives content to claims about the national interest is the means-ends reasoning which links interests to deeper goals. In ideal-typical terms, this can take two forms. The first, and more common, approach is conservative: it infers national interests and the goals they advance from existing policies and commitments. The second is reformist: it starts by specifying national goals and then asks how they are best advanced under particular conditions. New Labour's foreign policy discourse is notable for its explicit use of a reformist approach. Indeed, Gordon Brown's vision of a 'new global society' not only identifies global reform as a key means of fulfilling national goals, but also thereby extends the concept of the national interest well beyond a narrow concern with national security.

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The ambiguity of the role played by British propaganda in Italy during the Second World War is clearly reflected in the phenomenon of Radio London. While Radio London raised the morale of the Italian civilians living under the Fascist regime and provided them with alternative information on the conflict, the microphones of the BBC were also used by the British government to address a country they were planning to occupy. In this article, I will analyse the occupation/liberation operations that were run at the BBC Italian Service from two separate angles. On the one hand, the analysis of the programmes broadcast between the months preceding the Allies’ landing in Sicily and the actual occupation shows how the Allies built their image as liberators and guarantors of better living conditions. On the other, the analysis of the relationships between the Foreign Office and the anti-Fascist exiles reveals that the Italian BBC broadcasters were not always allowed to freely express their political opinion or to dispose of their own lives.

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Both sexes of a new genus and species of Ectinosomatidae (Copepoda, Harpacticoida) from sublittoral sediments collected on the inner continental shelf in Ubatuba, Sao Paulo State (Brazil) are described in detail. Chaulionyx gen. n. (type species: C. paivacarvalhoi sp. n.) differs from all known genera in the presence of a conspicuous bifid spine on the prehensile P1 endopod. It can be differentiated from other genera with a prehensile endopod (Halophytophilus Brian, 1919; Bradyellopsis Brian, 1925; Klieosoma Hicks & Schriever, 1985) by the presence of distinctive subrectangular middorsal pores on the urosomites and the unarmed male sixth legs. The genus Lineosoma Wells, 1965 is recognized as a paraphyletic taxon and relegated to a junior subjective synonym of Noodtiella Wells, 1965. Arenosetella pectinata Chappuis, 1954a is removed from its floating position in Ectinosomoides Nicholls, 1945, transferred to the genus Noodtiella as N. pectinata comb. n. and considered the senior subjective synonym of N. toukae Mitwally & Montagna, 2001. Dichotomous keys are provided for the identification of the 18 valid species of Noodtiella and the 21 valid genera of the family Ectinosomatidae. Halophytophilus aberrans Wells & Rao, 1987 is placed species incertae sedis in the family.

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This work presents a fully operational interstate CGE model implemented for the Brazilian economy that tries to quantify both the role of barriers to trade on economic growth and foreign trade performance and how the distribution of the economic activity may change as the country opens up to foreign trade. Among the distinctive features embedded in the model, modeling of external scale economies, port efficiency and land-maritime transport costs provides an innovative way of dealing explicitly with theoretical issues related to integrated regional systems. In order to illustrate the role played by the quality of infrastructure and geography on the country‟s foreign and interregional trade performance, a set of simulations is presented where barriers to trade are significantly reduced. The relative importance of trade policy, port efficiency and land-maritime transport costs for the country trade relations and regional growth is then detailed and quantified, considering both short run as well as long run scenarios. A final set of simulations shed some light on the effects of liberal trade policies on regional inequality, where the manufacturing sector in the state of São Paulo, taken as the core of industrial activity in the country, is subjected to different levels of external economies of scale. Short-run core-periphery effects are then traced out suggesting the prevalence of agglomeration forces over diversion forces could rather exacerbate regional inequality as import barriers are removed up to a certain level. Further removals can reverse this balance in favor of diversion forces, implying de-concentration of economic activity. In the long run, factor mobility allows a better characterization of the balance between agglomeration and diversion forces among regions. Regional dispersion effects are then clearly traced-out, suggesting horizontal liberal trade policies to benefit both the poorest regions in the country as well as the state of São Paulo. This long run dispersion pattern, on one hand seems to unravel the fragility of simple theoretical results from recent New Economic Geography models, once they get confronted with more complex spatially heterogeneous (real) systems. On the other hand, it seems to capture the literature‟s main insight: the possible role of horizontal liberal trade policies as diversion forces leading to a more homogeneous pattern of interregional economic growth.

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Este estudo apresenta reflexões a respeito das relações Brasil-Angola no período compreendido entre os anos de 1990 e 2002. Tendo como ponto de partida o estabelecimento (e aprofundamento) das relações bilaterais no período entre os anos de 1975 e 1990, o presente estudo fornece subsídios que orientam o teor do contato Brasília-Luanda no período pós-Guerra Fria. Entre esses subsídios encontram-se os condicionantes internos, que em cada país influíram de modo determinante na sua respectiva atuação externa, aliados ao contexto de reestruturação internacional. Assim, pela relevância da adaptação por que passaram esses contatos bilaterais, o trabalho distingue essas relações entre diretas e indiretas, estas últimas efetivadas pela via multilateral, seja no cenário regional (notadamente na implantação da CPLP e possibilidade de concretização da ZOPACAS), seja no cenário internacional, com a atuação conjunta nas Nações Unidas.

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With transnational corporations (TNCs) around the world today numbering over 60,000 and more than 800,000 affiliates working abroad, it is easy to understand how modern day international business could have transformed into a major global player serving at the axis of politics, social and environmental responsibility. Additionally, with accountability to a large variety of both public and private stakeholders, all exerting significant power and influence, today’s global corporate structure is reinventing modern international relations, and in some cases, dominating it. (Muldoon 2005) This transformative nature of globalization today can also serve as a source of friction among this growing chorus of players and is bringing irreversible change to these relationships and how they impact and influence business around the world. (Muldoon 2005) From the largest to the smallest international corporation seeking to expand into new international markets, the challenges that come with corporate ambition can mean the difference between success and failure and they find a home at the intersection of international relations, diplomacy and economics. To successfully navigate these challenges, especially in emerging economies, a company must now factor in more than just the “bottom line” and address complex issues that include human rights differences, environmental regulations, labor rights and values of each country. (Henisz, 2014) Combined with modern-day mobility achieved through technology and the Internet, corporations today have a great capacity to reach targeted audiences and establish a presence, but it is this same technology that also allows for immediate response to any corporate action. This constant, 24-hour news cycle, where everyone is made to be a real-time reporter through social media, has created a situation that demonstrably necessitates the ability to not only 3 respond immediately, but also to have real-time understanding of the challenges faced by a corporation as it looks toward global expansion. International Business Diplomacy, or simply Business Diplomacy as it will be referred to in this paper, combines all of these nuanced factors into a relatively new discipline that offers companies looking to expand into new markets, guidelines and directives so that they can more strategically map corporate direction, limit risk and achieve their objectives. This paper will examine the history of diplomacy and how the concept of statecraft became intertwined with the increasing globalization of business. Following a scholarly examination of how modern Business Diplomacy came into being, and the unique challenges that come with its application, particularly the liabilities needed to be overcome, this paper will apply the concept to the Brazilian aerospace manufacturer Embraer, tracking its strategic emergence from a small, regionally focused aircraft producer to global leader in the regional and executive jet market platforms. It will then examine Embraer’s entrance into the Chinese market, where the company suffered from several missteps and eventually had to refocus its business model from commercial to executive jets. Finally, as globalization continues to “emancipate international business from its institutional and social constraints,” (Muldoon 2005) this paper will address how the relatively new and emerging discipline of Business Diplomacy is continuing to mature and grow in stature and influence through the proposition of a new challenge or “liability” that corporations must also overcome as they expand into new markets. Through the analysis of Embraer in China, this paper will introduce the Liability of Governance to the lexicon of Business Diplomacy and propose specific steps that a company can undertake to avoid it.

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This paper studies the incentives underlying the relations between foreign countries and rival domestic groups. It models the interaction in a infinitely-repeated game between these three players. The domestic groups bargain for a split of the domestic surplus and may engage in violent dispute for power and in unilateral mass killing processes. The foreign country may choose to support one of these groups in exchange for monetary transfers. The paper characterizes the parametric set in which strategies leading to no violent disputes nor mass killings are Subgame Perfect Nash Equilibra in the presence of foreign support, but not in its absence.

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The urban growth of Rio Grande do Norte capital gave his boldest step in the three earlier decades of the twentieth century seeking to catch up with foreign metropolis and also most developed Brazilian cities, for example, Rio de Janeiro. Novelties were such bulky that we can notice the rise of a new city which in many aspects superseded that one considered provincial by local intelligentsia. These urban interferences scratched city ground leaving indelible marks until the present day. The exacerbated growth of the city related to the 1940s, when Natal begins hosting the largest allied military base outside United States in the advent of World War II is important at a time when the city´s population doubled. The emergence of new leisure institutions, amidst already existing ones, continued marking the places as sociabilities and leisure permeated with meanings and representations are revealed. This work sought to know the sociability of Tirol and Petrópolis neighborhoods in Natal, in the period from 1945 to 1960, when the city witnesses the consolidation of a market increasingly focused on leisure and young people start to have a special participation in this process.

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Examines the influence of class relations and political, ideological and structural shapes on international relations. Detente policy between the great world powers developed as a function of the basic interests of United States and Soviet Union. The analysis of underdeveloped countries' international policies is in accordance with processes of capitalistic accumulation and international labour division. -from English summary