Racism, Youth Violence and the New Right: A Comparative Study of the Political Transformation of Extremism in Hungary and Romania

This research focused on the re-emerging of national and minority identities and the concomitant hostilities emerging from them in Hungary and in Romania. In particular the findings indicate that extremist incidents against members of minority groups on the local level seem to follow patterns in publicised media events. Violent attacks by skinheads against Gypsies in Hungary are often isolated incidents but are also inadvertently supported by biased media coverage, hostile majority attitudes and stereotyped behaviour reproduced in the media. The research also indicates that extremism both in Hungary against Gypsies and in Romania against Hungarians is of three kinds: organised within the framework of extremist groups, state-supported violence (both real and symbolic), and isolated, local instances with a few perpetrators committing atrocities. However, and this is a positive development, with rising interethnic tensions and extremist attacks prevalent in Hungary and Romania, there is also a parallel emergence of a more sophisticated human and minority rights campaign to combat them.

The New Electoral Geography of Central Europe

Zarycki studied the political map of Central Europe today on the basis of results of recent parliamentary and/or presidential elections in the Czech Republic, Hungary, L8ithuania, Poland, Slovakia and Ukraine. He identified first the structure of regional political cleavages, then the spatial patterns emerging in different countries. He also considered the significance and eventual regional differentiation of various possible influences on these patterns, including urbanisation, historical heritage, ethnic factors, population movements, economic differentiation, the effects of the transformation, demographic factors, education and religion. Virtually all the countries showed a cleavage between more traditional, anti (or non-) communist regions and secular areas with higher post-communist support. Except in Ukraine and the Czech Republic, the post-communist party is dominated by the direct heirs of the former communist parties transformed into moderate left parties. The second major class of cleavages was typical of the Visegrad countries, i.e. the conflict between liberal, mostly metropolitan, regions and a different periphery, usually with a strong populist or anti-liberal appeal. This usually depends on the existence of a sizeable well-educated class, usually pro-market and pro-Western, and on the resolution of the conflict between post and anti-Communists. The third type of cleavage is based on ethnic factors and is clearest in Lithuania and Slovakia, where there are large ethnic minorities. Of factors influencing political behaviour, the two major ones identified were the historical heritage and urbanisation.

Capillary zone electrophoresis determination of carbohydrate-deficient transferrin using the new CEofix reagents under high-resolution conditions

Capillary zone electrophoresis (CZE) with a dynamic double coating based on the new CEofix reagents is shown to provide high-resolution separations of serum transferrin (Tf) isoforms, a prerequisite for the monitoring of unusual and complex Tf patterns, including those seen with genetic variants and disorders of glycosylation. A 50 microm I.D. fused-silica capillary of 60 cm total length, an applied voltage of 20 kV and a capillary temperature of 30 degrees C results in 15 min CZE runs of high assay precision and thus provides a robust approach for the determination of carbohydrate-deficient transferrin (CDT, sum of asialo-Tf and disialo-Tf in relation to total Tf) in human serum. Except for selected samples of patients with severe liver diseases and sera with high levels of paraproteins, interference-free Tf patterns are detected. Compared with the use of the previous CEofix reagents for CDT under the same instrumental conditions, the resolution between disialo-Tf and trisialo-Tf is significantly higher (1.7 versus 1.4). The CDT levels of reference and patient sera are comparable, suggesting that the new assay can be applied for screening and confirmation analyses. The high-resolution CZE assay represents an attractive alternative to HPLC and can be regarded as a candidate of a reference method for CDT.

Selective in vitro targeting of GRP and NMB receptors in human tumours with the new bombesin tracer 177Lu-AMBA

PURPOSE: To investigate the in vitro binding properties of a novel radiolabelled bombesin analogue, (177)Lu-AMBA, in human neoplastic and non-neoplastic tissues selected for their expression of the bombesin receptor subtypes GRP-R, NMB-R and BRS-3. METHODS: In vitro receptor autoradiography was performed in cancers expressing the various bombesin receptor subtypes. The novel radioligand (177)Lu-AMBA was used and compared with established bombesin radioligands such as (125)I-Tyr(4)-bombesin and (125)I-[D: -Tyr(6),beta-Ala(11),Phe(13),Nle(14)]-bombesin(6-14). In vitro incidence of detection of each of the three bombesin receptor subtypes was evaluated in each tumour. RESULTS: (177)Lu-AMBA identified all GRP-R-expressing tumours, such as prostatic, mammary and renal cell carcinomas as well as gastrointestinal stromal tumours. (177)Lu-AMBA also identified all NMB-expressing tumours, but did not detect BRS-3-expressing tumours or BRS-3-expressing pancreatic islets. GRP-R-expressing peritumoural vessels were heavily labelled with (177)Lu-AMBA. In contrast to the strongly GRP-R-positive mouse pancreas, the human pancreas was not labelled with (177)Lu-AMBA unless chronic pancreatitis was diagnosed. In general, the sensitivity was slightly better with (177)Lu-AMBA than with the conventional bombesin radioligands. CONCLUSION: The present in vitro study suggests that (177)Lu-AMBA may be a very useful in vivo targeting agent for GRP-R-expressing tumours, NMB-R-expressing tumours and GRP-R-expressing neoangiogenic vessels.

Building the New Society in the Shell of the Old: Finnish-Canadian Hall Socialism and the Canadian Industrial Unionist Support League

The literature on Finnish immigrant working-class movements in North America frequently makes reference to the phenomenon of "hall socialism," so-called because of the central position that the socialist or labor hall occupied in the political, associational, and cultural life of many Finnish communities throughout the twentieth-century. In the 1930s, over 80 such Finnish halls were spread across Canada, and many people associated with these halls vigorously supported the mission of organized labor. This paper will examine the history, ideas, and practices of the Industrial Workers of the World-influenced Canadan Teollisuusunionistien Kannatus Liitto (CTKL; Canadian Industrial Unionist Support League), and its connections to Finnish Canadian hall socialism. The paper will consider the role of the CTKL in supporting workers' struggles, the significance of the hall as a part of the infrastructural bedrock that sustained this support, and the broader interaction between social and radical organizing commitments.