Studying Your Own Country. Social Scientific Knowledge For Our Times and Places; Presidential Address to the Canadian Political Science Association, St Catharines, May 28, 2014

Political science is both a generalizing and an anchored, nationally defined, discipline. Too often, the first perspective tends to crowd out the latter, because it appears more prestigious, objective, or scientific. Behind the international/national dichotomy, there are indeed rival conceptions of social science, and important ontological, epistemological and methodological assumptions. This article discusses these assumptions and stresses the critical contribution of idiographic, single-outcome studies, the importance of producing relevant, usable knowledge, and the distinctive implications of studying one’s own country, where a scholar is also a citizen, involved in more encompassing national conversations. The aim is not to reject the generalizing, international perspective, or even the comparative approach, but rather to reaffirm the importance of maintaining as well, and in fact celebrating, the production of social scientific knowledge directly relevant for our own times and places.

Political Parties and Foreign Aid

The influence of partisan politics on public policy is a much debated issue of political science. With respect to foreign policy, often considered as above parties, the question appears even more problematic. This comparison of foreign aid policies in 16 OECD countries develops a structural equation model and uses LISREL analysis to demonstrate that parties do matter, even in international affairs. Social-democratic parties have an effect on a country's level of development assistance. This effect, however, is neither immediate nor direct. First, it appears only in the long run. Second, the relationship between leftist partisan strength and foreign aid works through welfare state institutions and social spending. Our findings indicate how domestic politics shapes foreign conduct. We confirm the empirical relevance of cumulative partisan scores and show how the influence of parties is mediated by other political determinants.

Les vidéos de gay bashing : des agresseurs à YouTube

La recherche portera sur la montée des vidéos de gay bashing depuis 2013. Par vidéo de gay bashing, nous entendons des vidéos documentant l’abus physique ou verbal d’individus perçus par les agresseurs comme étant gais, lesbiennes, bisexuels, transgenres ou queer, mais nous nous concentrerons spécifiquement sur des vidéos montrant des agressions envers des hommes. Ces vidéos peuvent être enregistrées par les agresseurs eux-mêmes ou par des témoins de la scène. Il s’agira de situer cette montée dans un contexte politique de retour de lois et sentiments anti-LGBT dans les pays d’où proviennent certaines des vidéos étudiées et par rapport aux différentes théories anthropologiques et socio-historiques concernant les sources et motivations derrière les actes de violence homophobe. Le corpus se composera de trois vidéos venant de Russie («Putin’s Crackdown on LGBT Teens un Russia»), de Lybie («Gay torture and violent in Lybia») et des États-Unis («Attack at gay pride event in Detroit»). L’analyse du corpus se fera en trois temps : d’abord l’analyse de la forme et du contenu des vidéos en tant que tels, ensuite, l’analyse de leur circulation et des différents utilisateurs qui distribuent les vidéos en ligne, et, finalement, l’analyse de la réception des vidéos en portant attention aux commentaires des utilisateurs. Il s’agira de montrer comment les vidéos de gay-bashing effectuent une rupture par rapport à une vision de YouTube, et autres médias sociaux, comme libérateurs et comme lieux d’expression de soi (particulièrement pour les membres des communautés LGBT) et les transforment en lieux d’une humiliation triplée par l’enregistrement de l’humiliation physique et sa diffusion sur le web. Il s’agira ensuite de voir comment la circulation et la redistribution de ces vidéos par différents groupes et utilisateurs les instrumentalisent selon différents agendas politiques et idéologiques, pour finalement se questionner, en s’inspirant du triangle de l’humiliation de Donald Klein, sur le rôle ambivalent du témoin (physique ou virtuel) dont la présence est nécessaire pour qu’il y ait humiliation. Finalement, nous nous intéresserons aux vidéos de témoignages de gay-bashing, vidéos faites par les victimes elles-mêmes, racontant leur traumatisme à la caméra, renouant ainsi avec les vidéos de coming out sous la forme de l’aveu et de la spectacularisation du soi. La présente recherche sera également l’occasion de développer des outils théoriques et méthodologiques propres aux nouveaux médias et aux nouvelles formes et contenus qui s’y développent.

Career Officers and Political Appointees in American Diplomacy: Contending for Diplomatic Positions through Boundary Work

American Political and Economic Series

Human Rights as tools for political progress

La pratique des droits de l'homme est souvent décrite comme une entreprise qui vise à établir des standards minimaux pour guider l'action des États et des individus. Dans cet article, je tente de remettre en question la position minimaliste défendue par deux auteurs, James Nickel et James Griffin, en défendant une thèse selon laquelle la philosophie et la morale ne devraient pas être limitées par la pratique et les circonstances du monde. Sans apporter une réponse précise à la question de la faisabilité des droits de l'homme tels qu'on les connaît, je soutiens que le minimalisme défendu par Griffin et Nickel n'est pas nécessaire, ni souhaitable, dans la lutte pour la défense des droits de l'homme, lutte dans laquelle la philosophie a un rôle de premier ordre à jouer.

Absent From the Convention: Libraries, Law and Political Philosophy: John Adams and Thomas Jefferson

Presentation by Professor Mary Sarah Bilder, as commentator, at the conference "John Adams & Thomas Jefferson: Libraries, Leadership & Legacy," held in Boston and Charlottesville, June 21-17, 2009.

Women and political change in kerala since independence

even after 45 years of independence, it is seen that women are still left cum the periphery cnf the political process. Effective and meaningful participation of women in politics remains elusive for most of them. The representation of women in the state legislatures and in both Houses of Parliament has been very marginal. The percentage of women members in the LokSabha to the total membership of the body has never touched a two-digit figure so far. Within these 45 years, India could field only five women as Union Cabinet Ministers. In the case of the various states also, the position of women's participation in political activities is not very different. On the whole, it is seen that in independent India the role played by women in the electoral politics of the country or in the day to day activities of the different political parties is very" ineffective and insignificant. The present study was undertaken to make an assessment of women's involvement in the political process of Kerala since independence. This small state in the southernmost part of India claims ‘that it possesses certain. unique features in its social fabric that makes it different from the rest of the country as far as the place of women in society is concerned.

A STUDY ON POLITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS IN HINDI NOVELS SINCE 1960

HINDI

THE CHANGING CONCEPT OF POLITICAL VALUES IN THE HINDI NOVELS OF POST-SIXTIES

Hindi

Political Education in Plural Societies: Using the Anti-Bias Approach to Challenge Oppression in Bombay and Berlin

This study addresses the effectivity of the Anti-Bias approach and training methodology as a pedagogical political strategy to challenge oppression among student groups in the cities of Bombay and Berlin. The Anti-Bias trainings conducted within the framework of this study also become the medium through which the perpetuation of oppressive structures by students within and outside the school is investigated. Empirical data from predominantly qualitative investigations in four secondary schools, two each in Bombay and Berlin, is studied and analysed on the basis of theoretical understandings of prejudice, discrimination and identity. This study builds on insights offered by previous research on prejudices and evaluations of anti-bias and diversity interventions, where the lack of sufficient research and thorough evaluations testing impact has been identified (Levy Paluck, 2006). The theoretical framework suggests that prejudices and discriminatory practices are learnt and performed by individuals over the years by way of pre-existing discourses, and that behaviour and practices can be unlearnt through a multi-step process. It proposes that the discursive practices of students contribute to the constitution of their viable selves and in the constitution of ‘others’. Drawing on this framework, the study demonstrates how student-subjects in Bombay and Berlin perpetuate oppressive discourses by performing their identities and performing identities onto ‘others’. Such performative constitution opens up the agency of the individual, disclosing the shifting and dynamic nature of identities. The Anti-Bias approach is posited as an alternative to oppressive discourses and a vehicle that encourages and assists the agency of individuals. The theoretical framework, which brings together a psychological approach to prejudice, a structural approach to discrimination and a poststructural approach to identity, facilitates the analysis of the perpetuation of dominant discourses by the students, as well as how they negotiate their way through familiar norms and discourses. Group discussions and interviews a year after the respective trainings serve to evaluate the agency of the students and the extent to which the training impacted on their perceptions, attitudes and behavioural practices. The study reveals the recurrence of the themes race, religion, gender and sexuality in the representational practices of the students groups in Berlin and Bombay. It demonstrates how students in this study not only perform, but also negotiate and resist oppressive structures. Of particular importance is the role of the school: When schools offer no spaces for discussion, debate and action on contemporary social issues, learning can neither be put into practice nor take on a positive, transformative form. In such cases, agency and resistance is limited and interventionist actions yield little. This study reports the potential of the Anti-Bias approach and training as a tool of political education and action in education. It demonstrates that a single training can initiate change but sustaining change requires long-term strategies and on-going actions. Taking a poststructural perspective, it makes concrete suggestions to adapt and alter the Anti-Bias approach and the implementation of Anti-Bias trainings.

The Political Ecology of Salmon Aquaculture in Chile

Every German consumes per year, 15% is salmon, which is the third most popular fish in Germany after Alaska-Seelachs and Hering (Keller/Kress 2013: 9). But where does the salmon that ends up on our plates every 6th time we eat fish come from? There's no obligation for producers to declare the origin of their fish products, but if they do so, the latin name of the fish, catching method and catch area should be declared. Salmon, of which about 40% are captured in the wild and the rest brought up in aquacultures, could then be declared as follows: Salmon (salmo salar), aquaculture from Chile. Without any doubt, this makes consumption more transparent, but the standards of production – both, social and ecological ones – and the ecological impacts are still kept in the dark.

Political Economy of Global Rush for Agricultural Land: a Tract on India’s Overseas Acquisitions

This paper is an attempt to map the global land acquisitions with a focus on Indian MNCs in acquiring overseas land for agricultural purposes. It tries to outline the contemporary political economy of capital accumulation at the global level, especially, in the emerging developing economies like India and China, where the emergence of a new capitalist class has engaged itself into acquisition of land and control of other natural resources in Africa, Latin America, Eastern Europe and South East Asia, for example, water and other minerals to secure itself from the eventual losses of ongoing economic crisis and to earn profit from the volatile agricultural commodity markets. This sway of control of resources by the MNCs has got paramount State support under the helm of neoliberal policies. The paper provides scale of overseas land acquisitions at the current juncture and tries to highlight its causes and the major implications associated with it.

Reconciliation as a Political Concept: Some Observations and Remarks

This paper summarizes a number of observations and reflections on the phenomenon and practice called “reconciliation”, in connection to peace processes and peace-building initiatives. In particular it draws from processes followed by the author, in East Timor in particular, but also in Europe, the Middle East and, more recently, Colombia. It is a discussion paper. The purpose is to invite to reflection, both on the level of perspectives as well as concepts. It is developed from a lecture called “The Challenge of Reconciliation” held at Universidad Nacional, Bogotá, in December 2003. Following substantial revision since then (making the text more than double in length) I realize that today not many parts of the original text are still recognizable from that presentation, then organized by the Embassy of Sweden in Colombia, as part of its commitment to the peace process in that country. I have accepted the invitation of the Center of Political and International Studies (Centro de Estudios Políticos e Internacionales, CEPI), at Universidad del Rosario, to publish this work in progress, to reach a broader public in Colombia and contribute to the discussion on econciliation. The field of “political reconciliation” is evolving, definitions of reconciliation are abounding, and different contributors have different takes on the subject matter, quite naturally. It is the author’s view, that reconciliation can and should not be “held captive” of any particular field of study. It relates to fundamental, some would call it existential, issues of meaning, trust, contradictions, and suffering in the midst of a violent, political reality. It is wise to tread softly on ground with such a complex bottom.