The Flowchart Model of Cluster Policy: The Automobile Industry Cluster in China

This paper proposes a general model of the flowchart approach to industrial cluster policy and applies this model to Guangzhou's automobile industry cluster. The flowchart approach to industrial cluster policy is an action plan for prioritizing policy measures in a time-ordered series. We reached the following two conclusions. First,we clarified the effects of Honda, Nissan, and Toyota on agglomeration in Guangzhou's automobile industry cluster. Second, we established that local governments play a crucial role in successful industrial cluster policy, and that the mayor of the local government should be offered incentives in order to target industrial clustering and implement cluster policy.

Fiscal Decentralization, Chinese Style: Good for Health Outcomes?

This study analyzes the effect of fiscal decentralization on health outcomes in China using a panel data set with nationwide county-level data. We find that counties in more fiscal decentralized provinces have lower infant mortality rates compared to those counties in which the provincial government retains the main spending authority, if certain conditions are met. Spending responsibilities at the local level need to be matched with county government's own fiscal capacity. For those local governments that have only limited revenues, their ability to spend on local public goods such as health care depends crucially upon intergovernmental transfers. The findings of this study thereby support the common assertion that fiscal decentralization can indeed lead to more efficient production of local public goods, but also highlights the necessary conditions to make this happen.

Decentralization in Nation State Building of Indonesia

Introduction：Today, many countries, regardless of developed or developing, are trying to promote decentralization. According to Manor, as his quoting of Nickson’s argument, decentralization stems from the necessity to strengthen local governments as proxy of civil society to fill the yawning gap between the state and civil society (Manor [1999]: 30). With the end to the Cold War following the collapse of the Soviet Union rendering the cause of the “leadership of the central government to counter communism” meaningless, Manor points out, it has become increasingly difficult to respond flexibly to changes in society under the centralized system. Then, what benefits can be expected from the effectuation of decentralization? Litvack-Ahmad-Bird cited the four points: attainment of allocative efficiency in the face of different local preferences for local public goods; improvement to government competitiveness; realization of good governance; and enhancement of the legitimacy and sustainability of heterogeneous national states (Litvack, Ahmad & Bird [1998]: 5). They all contribute to reducing the economic and social costs of a central government unable to respond to changes in society and enhancing the efficiency of state administration through the delegation of authority to local governments. Why did Indonesia have a go at decentralization? As Maryanov recognizes, reasons for the implementation of decentralization in Indonesia have never been explicitly presented (Maryanov [1958]: 17). But there was strong momentum toward building a democratic state in Indonesia at the time of independence, and as indicated by provisions of Article 18 of the 1945 Constitution, there was the tendency in Indonesia from the beginning to debate decentralization in association with democratization. That said debate about democratization was fairly abstract and the main points are to ease the tensions, quiet the complaints, satisfy the political forces and thus stabilize the process of government (Maryanov [1958]: 26-27). 　　　What triggered decentralization in Indonesia in earnest, of course, was the collapse of the Soeharto regime in May 1998. The Soeharto regime, regarded as the epitome of the centralization of power, became incapable of effectively dealing with problems in administration of the state and development administration. Besides, the post-Soeharto era of “reform (reformasi)” demanded the complete wipeout of the Soeharto image. In contraposition to the centralization of power was decentralization. The Soeharto regime that ruled Indonesia for 32 years was established in 1966 under the banner of “anti-communism.” The end of the Cold War structure in the late 1980s undermined the legitimate reason the centralization of power to counter communism claimed by the Soeharto regime. The factor for decentralization cited by Manor is applicable here. 　　　Decentralization can be interpreted to mean not only the reversal of the centralized system of government due to its inability to respond to changes in society, as Manor points out, but also the participation of local governments in the process of the nation state building through the more positive transfer of power (democratic decentralization) and in the coordinated pursuit with the central government for a new shape of the state. However, it is also true that a variety of problems are gushing out in the process of implementing decentralization in Indonesia. 　　　This paper discusses the relationship between decentralization and the formation of the nation state with the awareness of the problems and issues described above. Section 1 retraces the history of decentralization by examining laws and regulations for local administration and how they were actually implemented or not. Section 2 focuses on the relationships among the central government, local governments, foreign companies and other actors in the play over the distribution of profits from exploitation of natural resources, and examines the process of the ulterior motives of these actors and the amplification of mistrust spawning intense conflicts that, in extreme cases, grew into separation and independence movements. Section 3 considers the merits and demerits at this stage of decentralization implemented since 2001 and shed light on the significance of decentralization in terms of the nation state building. Finally, Section 4 attempts to review decentralization as the “opportunity to learn by doing” for the central and local governments in the process of the nation state building. 　　　In the context of decentralization in Indonesia, deconcentration (dekonsentrasi), decentralization (desentralisasi) and support assignments (tugas pembantuan; medebewind, a Dutch word, was used previously) are defined as follows. Dekonsentrasi means that when the central government puts a local office of its own, or an outpost agency, in charge of implementing its service without delegating the administrative authority over this particular service. The outpost agency carries out the services as instructed by the central government. A head of a local government, when acting for the central government, gets involved in the process of dekonsentrasi. Desentralisasi, meanwhile, occurs when the central government cedes the administrative authority over a particular service to local governments. Under desentralisasi, local governments can undertake the particular service at their own discretion, and the central government, after the delegation of authority, cannot interfere with how local governments handle that service. Tugas pembantuan occur when the central government makes local governments or villages, or local governments make villages, undertake a particular service. In this case, the central government, or local governments, provides funding, equipment and materials necessary, and officials of local governments and villages undertake the service under the supervision and guidance of the central or local governments. Tugas pembantuan are maintained until local governments and villages become capable of undertaking that particular service on their own.

Measuring Fiscal Decentralization in the Philippines

This paper focuses on the fiscal decentralization in the Philippines after the 1991 Local Government Code. It first examines the intergovernmental fiscal relationship between central and local governments by using fiscal decentralization indicators, and then investigates its impact on local finance. After fiscal decentralization, the local expenditure responsibility is expanded while the local fiscal capacity is not strengthened in the Philippines. Local governments consequently comes to depend heavily on fiscal transfers from the central government, internal revenue allotments (IRAs), which has a substantial influence on local finance. The heavy dependence on IRAs makes local finance unpredictable and unstable. The distribution of IRAs also affects the horizontal balance between provincial governments.

Trade of Heilongjiang Province (China) with Russia

Local trade between the Far East region of the USSR and the Northeast region of the People’s Republic of China started in 1957, arranged by the public trade organizations in the respective borderlands. Heilongjiang Province of China has been the main actor in trade with the Far East region of the USSR, and more recently, Russia. After 1957, Heilongjiang Province’s trade with the Russian Far East developed rapidly until 1993, except a period of interruption (1967-1982). Thereafter, the Heilongjiang Province’s trade with the Russian Far East underwent a stagnation period (1994-1998), a recovery period (1999-2001), a rapid development period (2002-2007) and a period of change of tendencies and radical decrease (2008-2009). Heilongjiang Province’s trade with the Russian Far East consists of three main forms: general trade, Chinese-style border trade (Bianjing Trade which includes Bianjing Small Trade and trade between private persons (Hushi Trade)) and Travel Trade. The rapid increase of Heilongjiang Province’s trade with the Russian Far East from 2002 to 2007 is mainly attributable to the increase in the export of ordinary consumer goods, especially textile clothing and footwear, and to Bianjing Small Trade.

Gobernar la complejidad urbana desde la sostenibilidad. Evaluación del gobierno de la gestión visible utilizando indicadores de gobernanza (Venezuela)

Se evalúa con indicadores de gobernanza urbana la sostenibilidad de las formas de hacer ciudad hibrida compleja del gobierno de la gestión visible (GGV). Argumenta que el GGV hace ciudad para legitimarse por desempeño y fortalecer la gobernanza local, en un contexto de mutaciones múltiples y radicales que tienden a diluir y centralizar el poder local y fractalizar la ciudad, profundizando la segregación sociopolítica-territorial y la ingobernabilidad genética de la ciudad hibrida, poniendo en riesgo el Estado federal descentralizado, el derecho a la ciudad, al gobierno local y la gobernanza urbana y multinivel (hipótesis). La estrategia de evaluación de gobernanza innovadora (EEG+i) diseñada para evaluar la relación entre las formas de hacer ciudad hibrida (variables espaciales) y gobernanza (variable a-espacial) es transversal, multidimensional y se construye desde la complejidad, el análisis de escenarios, formulación de constructos, modelos e indicadores de gobernanza, entretejiendo tres campos de conocimiento, gobierno, ciudad y sostenibilidad, en cuatro fases. La Fase 1, contextualiza la gobernanza en la dramática del siglo XXI. La Fase 2, desarrolla la fundamentación teórico-práctica, nuevos conceptos y un abordaje analítico propio ‘genética territorial’, para analizar y comprehender la complejidad de la ciudad hibrida de países en desarrollo, tejiendo ontogenética territorial y el carácter autopoiético del gen informal. En la Fase 3, se caracterizan las formas de hacer ciudad desde la genética del territorio, se formulan modelos e indicadores de gobernanza con los que se evalúan, aplicando un delphi y cuestionarios, los genes tipológicos-formas de hacer ciudad y validan las conclusiones. En la Fase 4, se correlacionan los resultados de los instrumentos aplicados con la praxis urbana del GGV, durante cuatro periodos de gobierno (1996-2010). Concluyendo que, la estrategia de evaluación comprobó las hipótesis y demostró la correlación transversal y multinivel existente entre, las mutaciones en curso que contradicen el modelo de gobernanza constitucional, el paisaje de gobernanza latinoamericano y venezolano, la praxis de los regímenes híbridos ricos en recursos naturales, las perspectivas de desarrollo globales y se expresa sociopolíticamente en déficit de gobernanza, Estado de derecho y cohesión-capital social y, espaciolocalmente, en la ciudad hibrida dispersa y diluida (compleja) y en el gobierno del poder diluido centralizado. La confrontación de flujos de poder centrípetos y centrífugos en la ciudad profundiza la fragmentación socioespacial y política y el deterioro de la calidad de vida, incrementando las protestas ciudadanas e ingobernabilidad que obstaculiza la superación de la pobreza y gobernanza urbana y multinivel. La evaluación de la praxis urbana del GGV evidenció que la correlación entre gobernanza, la producción de genes formales y la ciudad por iniciativa privada tiende a ser positiva y entre gobernanza, genes y producción de ciudad informal negativa, por el carácter autopoiético-autogobernable del gen informal y de los nuevos gobiernos sublocales que dificulta gobernar en gobernanza. La praxis del GGV es contraria al modelo de gobernanza formulado y la disolución centralizada del gobierno local y de la ciudad hibrida-dispersa es socio-espacial y políticamente insostenible. Se proponen estrategias y tácticas de gobernanza multinivel para recuperar la cohesión social y de planificación de la gestión innovadora (EG [PG] +i) para orquestar, desde el Consejo Local de Gobernanza (CLG) y con la participación de los espacios y gobiernos sublocales, un proyecto de ciudad compartido y sostenible. ABSTRACT The sustainability of the forms of making the hybrid-complex city by the visible management government (VMG) is evaluated using urban governance indicators. Argues that the VMG builds city to legitimate itself by performance and to strengthen local governance in a context of multiple and radical mutations that tend to dilute and centralize local power and fractalize the city, deepening the socio-spatial and political segregation, the genetic ingovernability of the hybrid city and placing the decentralized federal State, the right to city, local government and urban governance at risk (hypothesis). The innovative governance evaluation strategy (GES+i) designed to assess the relationship between the forms of making the hybrid city (spatial variables) and governance (a-spatial variable) is transversal, multidimensional; is constructed from complexity, scenario analysis, the formulation of concepts, models and governance indicators, weaving three fields of knowledge, government, city and sustainability in four phases. Phase 1, contextualizes governance in the dramatic of the twenty-first century. Phase 2, develops the theoretical and practical foundations, new concepts and a proper analytical approach to comprehend the complexity of the hybrid city from developing countries, weaving territorial ontogenetic with the autopiethic character of the informal city gen. In Phase 3, the ways of making city are characterized from the genetics of territory; governance indicators and models are formulated to evaluate, using delphi and questionnaires, the ways of making city and validate the conclusions. In Phase 4, the results of the instruments applied are correlated with the urban praxis of the VMG during the four periods of government analyzed (1996-2010). Concluding that, the evaluation strategy proved the hypothesis and showed the transversal and multilevel correlation between, mutations that contradict the constitutional governance model, the governance landscape of Latinamerica and the country, the praxis of the hybrid regimes rich in natural resources, the perspectives of the glocal economy and expresses socio-politically the governance and rule of law and social capital-cohesion deficit and spatial-temporarily the hybrid disperse and diluted city (complex) and the diluted-centralized local government. The confrontation of flows of power centripetal and centrifugal in the city deepens the socio-spatial and political fragmentation and deterioration of the quality of life, increasing citizens' protests and ingovernability which hinders poverty eradication and, multilevel and urban governance. The evaluation of the VMG urban praxis showed the correlation between governance, the production of formal genes and city by private initiative tended to be positive and, between informal genes-city production and governance negative, due to its autopiethic-self governable character that hinders governance. The urban praxis of the VMG contradicts the formulated governance model and thecentralized dissolution of the local government and hybrid city are socio-spatial and politically unsustainable. Multiscale governance strategies are proposed to recreate social cohesion and a management planning innovative method (EG [PG] + i) to orchestrate, from the Local Governance Council (LGC) and with the participation of sublocal governments and spaces, a shared and sustainable city project.

Atribuciones municipales frente al cambio climático

The municipalities have the main tool to address climate change to their own municipal powers. In our country, these are defined in the Basic Law of Local Government and the Regulatory Law of Local Finances. This article analyzes the performance capability of these competencies within the field of European environmental policies, analyzing their complementarity with the Thematic Strategy VI Climate Change Action Programme Environment of the European Union (2002). This is done by searching the areas of municipal responsibilities in the program and analyzing the importance in each of the various fields. This will define the areas in which municipalities have a greater capacity to reduce emissions under the European program Los ayuntamientos cuentan como principal herramienta para hacer frente al Cambio Climático sus propias competencias municipales. En nuestro país vienen fijadas en la Ley de Bases del Régimen Local y la Ley Reguladora de las Haciendas Locales. Este artículo analiza la capacidad de actuación de estas competencias dentro del ámbito de las políticas ambientales europeas, analizando su complementariedad con la Estrategia Temática del Cambio Climático del VI Programa de Acción en Materia de Medio Ambiente de la Unión Europea (2002). La metodología consiste en buscar los ámbitos de las competencias municipales en dicho programa, analizando la importancia en cada uno de los distintos campos. De este modo se definen los campos en los cuales los ayuntamientos cuentan con una mayor capacidad para disminuir las emisiones en relación con el programa europeo

Las capacidades de los actores para dirigir la nueva gobernanza en el desarrollo rural en México

El objetivo de la presente investigación es analizar el proceso de implantación de la nueva gobernanza dirigido por diferentes actores, en contextos rurales de Chiapas, México, que permita generar aportes conceptuales y propuestas de acción pública para su gestión. En la presente investigación se desarrollaron tres estudios de caso con un enfoque comparativo. Cada caso tuvo un actor diferente que dinamizó el proceso, en el primero fue el privado empresarial, en el segundo la sociedad civil y en el tercero el gobierno local. Lo registrado en la presente investigación señala que la nueva gobernanza no se acota a lo definido por organismos externos al territorio y tampoco se arriba a través de una sola ruta, se estructura fundamentalmente por lo que los mismos actores locales trabajen mediante un proceso de aprendizaje social en su definición y proceso de cambio según sus elementos socio-culturales. La nueva gobernanza dirigida por la sociedad civil es quien tuvo los mejores resultados respecto a los casos guiados por la iniciativa privada y el gobierno local. Sin embargo, es este último actor quien tiene las mayores posibilidades de detonar los procesos de nueva gobernanza en la mayoría de los contextos territoriales para dar paso a la sociedad civil o la iniciativa privada que posibiliten la sostenibilidad de los procesos en el largo plazo. The purpose of the current research is to analyze the new governance implantation process directed by different actors, in the rural contexts of Chiapas, México which will permit to generate conceptual contributions and public action proposals for its management. In the current research three case studies were developed each one based on comparative focus. Each case had a different actor which put into effect such process. In the first case it was private business, in the second the civilian society and in the third the local government. The information that was registered in the current research points out that the new governance do not encloses to elements defined by those organisms which are external to the territory and neither arrives through a single pathway; it is fundamentally structured and for this reason the same local actors work through a social learning process in its definition and change process in accordance to the socio-cultural elements. The new governance which is directed by the civilian society is the one that had the best results regarding the cases that were guided by the private sector and the local government. Nevertheless, this last actor is the one who had the best chances to trigger the new governance processes in most of the territorial contexts yielding the civilian society or private business to enable the long term processes sustainability.

Metodología para medir beneficios de la ciudad Puerto de Valparaíso Chile, con relación a la actividad marítima portuaria

La presente tesis propone una metodología para medir variables de impacto socio económico en la ciudad Puerto de Valparaíso, como una alternativa que permite evaluar la asignación del uso y explotación del borde costero. La ciudad de Valparaíso se formó al alero de la actividad marítima portuaria, en sus comienzos esta actividad fue el motor de desarrollo económico de la ciudad, sus habitantes mantenían una alta dependencia de ésta actividad, formando una identidad y cultura portuaria. Con la decadencia de la actividad portuaria, producto principalmente a la construcción del canal de Panamá y a la modernización de los buques de transporte aumentando su distancia franqueable1, la ciudad fue dejando su dependencia de esta actividad. Hoy en día casi la totalidad del borde costero de la ciudad está asignado a las actividades portuarias con escasa participación laboral de los habitantes de la ciudad y una alta demanda urbana por el uso del borde costero. Por otra parte, la ciudad ha presentado en la última década altos niveles de cesantía, cuestionándose la verdadera utilidad de mantener un puerto en la ciudad. La investigación de la tesis permitió dimensionar la cantidad de firmas y actividades económicas que se desarrollaban en torno a la actividad marítima portuaria en la ciudad, cuantificando los empleos que éstas otorgaban a la ciudad, los niveles de remuneraciones, los tributos a la municipalidad de la ciudad, el aporte al comercio local, entre otros. Descubriéndose hallazgos que permiten reflexionar sobre la importancia del la actividad en el desarrollo económico actual y futuro de la ciudad. También los antecedentes obtenidos permiten contribuir a la evaluación de proyectos alternativos para el uso y explotación del borde costero. La metodología utilizada también puede ser adaptada para medir los beneficios de otras ciudades puertos en el mundo. Los resultados obtenidos fueron expuestos a las autoridades gubernamentales locales, presentados en seminarios y congresos nacionales e internacionales, como en la prensa local; los más destacados son: la actividad otorga 12.727 empleos directos e indirectos que corresponden al 12% de la fuerza laboral ocupada; la actividad representa el 19% del Producto Interno Bruto de la ciudad; la actividad aporta un 21% al presupuesto municipal por concepto de recaudación de tributos y representan un 11% del presupuesto total asignado al municipio por el Estado de Chile. El sector industrial marítimo-portuario de la ciudad sigue siendo la actividad industrial más relevante en la ciudad y demanda el desarrollo de una planificación estratégica que permita vincular la actividad turística de la ciudad vecina de Viña del Mar con la actividad portuaria de Valparaíso. Para lograr tal objetivo es necesario realizar cambios en los atributos de las operaciones portuarias que permitan ofrecer productos asociados al turismo. This thesis proposes a methodology to measure the socio economic variables in the port city of Valparaiso, as an alternative to evaluate the allocation of the usage and exploitation of the coastline. The city of Valparaiso was formed to advance the port maritime activity and in the beginning this activity was the engine of economic development of the city. Its inhabitants remained highly dependent on it and formed a port identity and culture. With the decline of port activity, mainly due to the construction of the Panama Canal and the modernization of the transport vessels increasing distances, the city lost its dependence on this activity. Today almost all of the coastline of the city is assigned to port activities with very little labor participation of the inhabitants of the city and a high demand for the use of urban waterfront. Moreover, the city has shown high levels of unemployment in the past decade, questioning the true value of maintaining a port in the city. The research of this thesis provides insights into the number of firms and economic activities that were developed around the port maritime activity in the city, quantifying the jobs they gave to the city, the levels of pay, taxes to the municipality of city and the contribution to local commerce, among others. The findings discovered allow reflexions on the importance of the activity in the current and future economic development of the city. The data obtained also allows a contribution of the evaluation of alternative projects for the use and exploitation of the coastline. The methodology can also be adapted to measure the benefits of other port cities in the world. The results were presented to local government authorities, at seminars and national and international conferences, and in the local press. The most important finding are: the activity maritime port activity provides 12,727 direct and indirect jobs that are 12% of the employed labor force; activity represents which is 19% of the GDP of the city, the activity contributes 21% to the municipal budget by way of the collection of taxes and represents 11% of the total budget allocated to the municipality by the Republic of Chile. The industrial maritime port sector of the city remains the most important industrial activity in the city and demands the development of strategic planning to link the tourism in the neighboring city of Viña del Mar and to the Valparaiso port activity. To achieve this goal it is necessary to make changes to the attributes of port operations that allow the offering of products associated with tourism.

Los programas municipales de ocupación guiada: instrumentos preferentes de habitabilidad básica versus la urbanización informal futura. El caso de Trujillo (Perú)

El crecimiento demográfico y el proceso de urbanización que ha experimentado el planeta en el último siglo se ha traducido, en contextos de pobreza, en la generación de tugurios y en el aumento de la población viviendo en condiciones de habitabilidad precaria (HaP) fruto de la urbanización informal. Situación que, según las estimaciones de Naciones Unidas continuará teniendo lugar en las próximas décadas, especialmente en las ciudades de las regiones menos desarrolladas. Este ha sido el problema específico que se ha querido atender con el presente trabajo: la búsqueda de un instrumento urbano que incida en la reducción de las tasas de precariedad habitacional urbana futuras, la búsqueda de instrumentos que eviten que ese aumento de la urbanización se traduzca en aumento de población condenada a vivir en tugurios durante décadas. Dicha búsqueda ha tenido lugar en el marco de la teoría de la Habitabilidad Básica (HaB) desarrollada por el ICHaBCátedra UNESCO de Habitabilidad Básica de la UPM. Una HaB que consiste en la satisfacción de las necesidades fundamentales de habitabilidad pero, a su vez, o más importante aún, en una esperanza de mejora y progreso paulatino de esas condiciones elementales entendida como herramienta de desarrollo y lucha contra la pobreza. Como herramienta básica, no se trata de ofrecer las condiciones ideales, sino de brindar un camino razonable, que se considera posible, para que miles de millones de personas que viven en HaP o parecen condenadas a tener que hacerlo, puedan acceder a mejores condiciones de vida en tiempos más cortos. Entre las políticas habitacionales no convencionales puestas en marcha desde Hábitat I en 1976, las de habilitación urbana progresiva, y más en particular, la Ocupación Guiada, resultan ser en contextos de escasez económica, el mejor instrumento para hacer frente a la urbanización informal, un instrumento paradigmático mínimo preferente de implantación ex novo de HaB. Lo es, por la atención prestada en la elección del suelo y la parcelación, las dos etapas cabecera del proceso, así como por los mecanismos implementados para atender la etapa de urbanización en su fase provisional, y por dejar la última etapa, la de la edificación de las viviendas, en manos de la población. El proceso de urbanización que se favorece es parecido al de los tugurios y ocupaciones ilegales en lo referente a las etapas y mecanismos de crecimiento. Sin embargo, la diferencia está en las condiciones en las que se produce, en los niveles de salubridad y de seguridad, y en la proyección de futuro. El Programa de Ocupación Guiada 'Alto Trujillo' (POG), puesto en marcha por la municipalidad de Trujillo (Perú) entre 1995 y 2006 fue concebido para hacer frente a los procesos de urbanización informal que estaban teniendo lugar en la ciudad y ha demostrado ser un mecanismo adecuado para garantizar el acceso regulado al suelo, las infraestructuras, los servicios básicos y la vivienda en condiciones de fuerte restricción económica mediante un cogestión acertada entre municipalidad, población y demás actores del proceso. El POG eligió un suelo no vulnerable y en continuidad con el tejido urbano, con la parcelación estableció el orden geométrico del asentamiento y reservó los espacios públicos destinados a equipamientos, zonas verdes y viario, y fijó las dimensiones de las parcelas, acompañó a la población en el proceso de ocupación guiada de las mismas, así como en el posterior desarrollo progresivo del asentamiento haciendo una fuerte apuesta por lo público, relegando la construcción de las viviendas al esfuerzo de los pobladores. Los POG municipales resultan ser un instrumento replicable siempre que se den cinco condiciones: la existencia de un marco institucional adecuado que contemple la descentralización de competencias, que haya interés y continuidad política en el gobierno local, acceso a suelo urbano disponible y voluntad de co-gestión con la población. El análisis del POG ha permitido elaborar una propuesta de replicabilidad del POG basada en la experiencia de soluciones ya implementadas, que han sido contrastadas empíricamente y analizadas para aprender de sus fortalezas, oportunidades, debilidades y amenazas, así como de sus aciertos y errores. La estrategia de replicabilidad del POG se plantea como alternativa a la urbanización informal con mecanismos mejorados para que las ciudades se desarrollen siguiendo unos parámetros mínimos de HaB y no a través de asentamientos informales que dificulten el progreso futuro de las familias que los habitan y de las mismas ciudades de las que forman parte. Esta propuesta de replicabilidad, que precisa ser adaptada a cada contexto, tenía una clara vocación: intentar ser instrumento en la región del planeta donde, según las estimaciones, en los próximos treinta años el crecimiento demográfico y el proceso de urbanización serán más fuertes: África Subsahariana. Por ello, con el apoyo de expertos mozambiqueños en temas de habitabilidad, se estudió la replicabilidad en Mozambique incorporando las medidas necesarias que darían respuesta a los condicionantes particulares del país. ABSTRACT The demographic growth and the urbanisation process that the planet has experienced in the last century has turned into the generation of slums and in the increase of population living in conditions of precarious habitability (HaP) result of the informal urbanisation, in contexts of poverty. According to the United Nations estimations, this situation will continue taking place in the next decades, especially in the cities of the least developed regions. The present work has wanted to attend this specific problem by the search of an urban instrument that has an impact on the reduction of the urban future precarious housing rates, a search of instruments that prevent that this urbanisation spread become an increase of population doomed to live in slums during decades. The above mentioned search has taken place in the frame of the Basic Habitability theory (HaB) developed by the ICHaB-Cátedra UNESCO of Basic Habitability of the UPM. HaB consists of the satisfaction of the fundamental habitability needs but, in turn, or still more important, it is the hope of improvement and gradual progress of these elementary conditions. The HaB is understood as a tool of development and fight against poverty. As a basic tool, it does not offer the ideal conditions, but it offers a reasonable way, which is considered to be possible, so that thousands of million persons who live in HaP or that seem to be doomed to have to do it, could gain access to better living conditions in shorter times. Between the non conventional housing policies started up from Habitat I in 1976, those of urban progressive fitting out, and more especially, the Guided Occupation, has turned out to be, in contexts of economic shortage, the best instrument to face the informal urbanisation, a preferential and minimum paradigmatic instrument of ex-novo HaB implementation. It is so due to the attention given to the appropriate site selection and the land allotment, both headboard stages of the process, as well as to the mechanisms implemented to attend the urbanisation stage in its provisional phase, and to leave the last stage, the building process, in population hands. The urbanisation process that is favored is similar to that of the slums and squatting in what concerns the stages and mechanisms of growth. Nevertheless, the difference is in the conditions in which it takes place, in the levels of health and safety, and in the future projection. The Program of Guided Occupation 'Alto Trujillo' (PGO), turned on by the Provincial City Hall of Trujillo (Peru) between 1995 and 2006, was conceived to face the processes of informal urbanisation that took place in the city and it has demonstrated to be a mechanism adapted to guarantee the regulated access to soil, infrastructures, basic services and housing in conditions of strong economic restriction by means of a succeeded co-management between municipality, population and other process actors. The PGO chose a non vulnerable soil in continuity with the urban fabric, with the land allotment established the settlement geometric order, reserved the public spaces allocated for urban facilities, green spaces and streets, and fixed the plot dimensions, accompanied the population in the plot guided occupation process, as well as in the later progressive settlement development betting strongly for the public components, relegating the housing construction to the settlers effort. The municipal PGO turn out to be a replicable instrument under five conditions: the existence of an institutional suitable frame that contemplates the decentralization competitions, interest and political continuity in the local government, access to urban available soil and will of co-management with the population. The PGO analysis has allowed to elaborate a replicability proposal of the PGO based on the experience of the already implemented solutions, which have been empirically confirmed and analyzed to learn of its strengths, opportunities, weaknesses and threats, as well as of its successes and mistakes. The replicability strategy of the PGO is considered an alternative to the informal urbanisation with improved mechanisms in order that the cities can develop following a few HaB's minimal parameters, but not through informal settlements that would make difficult the families future progress and that of the cities where they live. This replicability proposal, that needs to be adapted to every context, had a clear vocation: try to be an instrument in the region of the planet where, according to the estimations, in the next thirty years the demographic growth and the urbanisation process will be stronger: Sub-Saharan Africa. Therefore, with the support of Mozambican experts in habitability topics, the replicability was studied in Mozambique incorporating the necessary measures that would give response to the country's determinants.

QUALIDADE DE VIDA NO TRABALHO: COM A PALAVRA OS FUNCIONÁRIOS PÚBLICOS

O tema desta pesquisa é a Qualidade de Vida no Trabalho dos funcionários públicos da Secretaria de Saúde de Barra Mansa/RJ. Trata-se de um estudo de caso de natureza quanti-qualitativa, exploratória e descritiva que tem como objetivos compreender o que é a QVT na ótica do funcionário público, verificar que percepções ele possui acerca de sua própria QVT e, a partir daí, compreender se na esfera pública é possível construir um novo sentido para a QVT que se aproxime de um compromisso com a coletividade e com a vida. O modelo de QVT de Walton, a análise dos instrumentos de onze outras pesquisas realizadas em diversas instituições brasileiras e a coleta de sete depoimentos dos sujeitos pesquisados, acerca de suas histórias profissionais, suas impressões gerais sobre a QVT, orientaram a elaboração do instrumento utilizado nesta pesquisa. Coletaram-se 205 questionários válidos quantidade suficiente para a utilização da análise fatorial como método estatístico, por meio do software SPSS , além de mais dois depoimentos, em entrevistas abertas, os quais, somados aos sete já obtidos por ocasião da preparação do instrumento de pesquisa, foram utilizados na análise qualitativa que também se fez. Os principais resultados encontrados apontam que a QVT dos funcionários públicos pesquisados é de razoável a boa e que eles associam QVT a uma série de aspectos objetivos e subjetivos da vida no trabalho. Muitos deles estão presentes no modelo de Walton, porém emergiram alguns que vão além do que o modelo abrange. É exatamente nesta lacuna que parece ser possível construir novos sentidos para a QVT que a aproximam de um compromisso com a coletividade e com a vida, numa lógica diferente daquela individualista e instrumental que marcam sua origem no setor privado. A partir daí se abre a possibilidade de se pensar em políticas públicas participativas.

QUALIDADE DE VIDA NO TRABALHO: COM A PALAVRA OS FUNCIONÁRIOS PÚBLICOS

O tema desta pesquisa é a Qualidade de Vida no Trabalho dos funcionários públicos da Secretaria de Saúde de Barra Mansa/RJ. Trata-se de um estudo de caso de natureza quanti-qualitativa, exploratória e descritiva que tem como objetivos compreender o que é a QVT na ótica do funcionário público, verificar que percepções ele possui acerca de sua própria QVT e, a partir daí, compreender se na esfera pública é possível construir um novo sentido para a QVT que se aproxime de um compromisso com a coletividade e com a vida. O modelo de QVT de Walton, a análise dos instrumentos de onze outras pesquisas realizadas em diversas instituições brasileiras e a coleta de sete depoimentos dos sujeitos pesquisados, acerca de suas histórias profissionais, suas impressões gerais sobre a QVT, orientaram a elaboração do instrumento utilizado nesta pesquisa. Coletaram-se 205 questionários válidos quantidade suficiente para a utilização da análise fatorial como método estatístico, por meio do software SPSS , além de mais dois depoimentos, em entrevistas abertas, os quais, somados aos sete já obtidos por ocasião da preparação do instrumento de pesquisa, foram utilizados na análise qualitativa que também se fez. Os principais resultados encontrados apontam que a QVT dos funcionários públicos pesquisados é de razoável a boa e que eles associam QVT a uma série de aspectos objetivos e subjetivos da vida no trabalho. Muitos deles estão presentes no modelo de Walton, porém emergiram alguns que vão além do que o modelo abrange. É exatamente nesta lacuna que parece ser possível construir novos sentidos para a QVT que a aproximam de um compromisso com a coletividade e com a vida, numa lógica diferente daquela individualista e instrumental que marcam sua origem no setor privado. A partir daí se abre a possibilidade de se pensar em políticas públicas participativas.

La organización de los juegos olímpicos como elemento de configuración de regímenes urbanos: Barcelona 1992 como estudio de caso

The games were an opportunity for Spain to show to the world as a modern, wealthy and democratic country of Western Europe, that successfully accomplished 15 years of political transition and dealt with identity issues. But the games also were a window of opportunity for the complete “reinvention” of Barcelona at all levels (political, economical, social and urbanistic) and laid the foundations for the development of the city in the next decades. This research argues that this process of “reinvention of the city” can be explained for three factors: 1) A policy coalition involving key economic and social actors under the leadership of Barcelona‟s Major, which led to a new urban regime. 2) An intergovernmental game that privileged the cooperation between the federal and urban government, as well as the international sports institutions 3) An understanding of the Olympic infrastructures not only as a guarantee for the success of the event, but as the starting point for a new model of urban and identity development regarding to the XXI siècle. The main objective of the research is to analyze the possible application of urban regime approach to different local government systems of the US by analyzing a case study, Barcelona...

Fracking/Takings

As the use of fracking has spread during the recent oil and gas boom, inevitable conflicts have arisen between industry and its neighbors, particularly as fracking has moved into densely populated urban and suburban areas. Concerned over the impacts of fracking – such as risks to health and safely, diminished property values, air and water pollution, as well as noise, traffic, and other annoyances – many people have demanded a government response. Government regulation of fracking has struggled to catch up, although in recent years many state and local governments have taken steps to reduce the impacts of fracking in their communities. This article focuses on government restrictions in New York and Colorado, two of the key battlegrounds in the fight over fracking. New York recently prohibited fracking across the entire state, after several towns had enacted their own bans. In Colorado, the people have used the ballot initiative process to enact restrictions on fracking directly. The industry has responded not only with public relations spending to improve the fracking’s damaged reputation, but also legal challenges to these efforts to rein in oil and gas development. In addition to suing local governments, often arguing they do not have authority to regulate fracking, industry threatens to bring costly takings claims for compensation due to alleged economic harms. This Article examines the numerous legal and factual issues that should make it difficult for industry to succeed on fracking/takings claims. First, regulation of fracking, even including outright bans, can almost always be defended as necessary to prevent a nuisance or other background principle of law that justifies government regulation. Even if a nuisance defense could be overcome, industry would have difficulty proving that regulation has destroyed all economic value in their property, unless courts take a narrow view of property that would highlight the arbitrary nature of the “denominator problem.” When fracking/takings claims are considered under the default balancing of the Penn Central case, takings are unlikely to be found except in rare outlier cases. Finally, because requiring governments to pay compensation in fracking/takings cases would likely create a windfall for industry, particularly if the oil and gas eventually is extracted in the future, courts should resist the temptation to rule against government restrictions to protect public health, safety, and the environment.