Education and racism:a study of the teachers' and the pupils' relations in the schooling of black boys

This thesis examines the teachers' and the pupils' relations in the schooling of black boys. The study using the methodology of participant observation focusses on one school (Kilby) in an area of black population in an English city. The thesis’s intentions are two fold: firstly, in order to examine these relations, two major aspects of their interaction are addressed, that of the absence of teachers from conventional 'race-relations' research, and, the identification and examination of the anti-school pupils' sub-cultures. Two substantive questions are asked: what is the response of the teachers to the schooling of black pupils? and, what is the meaning of the pupils' resistance to schooling? Secondly, in attempting to answer these questions and offer a critique of the dominant 'race-relations' culturalist explanation of black youth's response to schooling, a theoretical framework has been developed which takes account of both the 'economic' and the 'sociological' perspectives. Methodology allowed and pointed to the importance of examining the teachers' ideologies and practices as well as those of the black boys. It is argued that a class analysis of the racially structured British society is more adequate than the conventional ethnic approach in explaining the black boys' location within Kilby School. Hence, it is posited that the major problem in the schooling of black youth is not that of their culture but of racism, which pervasively structures the social reality at Kilby school. Racism is mediated both through the existing institutional framework that discriminates against working-class youth and through the operation of race specific mechanisms, such as the process of racist stereotyping. It is thus further argued that the Kilby school teachers are of central causal significance to the - problems that the boys encounter. Furthermore, it is in response to these racist ideologies and practices that both West Indian and Asian pupils develop specific forms of collective resistance, which are seen to be linked to the wider black community, as legitimate strategies of survival.

Big city days: Race and labor in early Miami, 1914--1925

The purpose of this study was to recast Miami's social history during the first three decades of the twentieth century through an examination of working class life. The thesis attempts to fill a gap in the literature while also expanding on the advances made in race and class studies of the United States. Through an analysis of local newspapers, minutes of a carpenter's union, and other archival sources, the thesis demonstrates how white workers obtained a virtual monopoly in skilled jobs over black workers, particularly in the construction industry, and exacted economic pressure on business through the threat of work stoppages. Driven by the concern to maintain smooth and steady growth amidst a vibrant tourist economy, business reluctantly worked with labor to maintain harmonious market conditions. Blacks, however, were able to gain certain privileges in the labor market through challenging the rigid system of segregation and notions of what constituted skilled labor. The findings demonstrate that Miami's labor unions shaped the city's social, cultural, and political landscape but the extent of their power was limited by booster discourse and the city's dependence on tourism. ^

Disease and hygiene in the construction of a nation: The public sphere, public space, and the private domain in Buenos Aires, 1871–1910

The maturation of the public sphere in Argentina during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was a critical element in the nation-building process and the overall development of the modern state. Within the context of this evolution, the discourse of disease generated intense debates that subsequently influenced policies that transformed the public spaces of Buenos Aires and facilitated state intervention within the private domains of the city’s inhabitants. Under the banner of hygiene and public health, municipal officials thus Europeanized the nation’s capital through the construction of parks and plazas and likewise utilized the press to garner support for the initiatives that would remedy the unsanitary conditions and practices of the city. Despite promises to the contrary, the improvements to the public spaces of Buenos Aires primarily benefited the porteño elite while the efforts to root out disease often targeted working-class neighborhoods. The model that reformed the public space of Buenos Aires, including its socially differentiated application of aesthetic order and public health policies, was ultimately employed throughout the Argentine Republic as the consolidated political elite rolled out its national program of material and social development.

Global Capitalism, Immigrant Labor, and the Struggle for Justice

Around the world borders are militarized, states are stepping up repressive anti-immigrant controls, and native publics are turning immigrants into scapegoats for the spiraling crisis of global capitalism. The massive displacement and primitive accumulation unleashed by free trade agreements and neo-liberal policies, as well as state and “private” violence has resulted in a virtually inexhaustible immigrant labor reserve for the global economy. State controls over immigration and immigrant labor have several functions for the system: 1) state repression and criminalization of undocumented immigration make immigrants vulnerable and deportable and therefore subject to conditions of super-exploitation, super-control and hyper-surveillance; 2) anti-immigrant repressive apparatuses are themselves ever more important sources of accumulation, ranging from private for-profit immigrant detention centers, to the militarization of borders, and the purchase by states of military hardware and systems of surveillance. Immigrant labor is extremely profitable for the transnational corporate economy; 3) the anti-immigrant policies associated with repressive state apparatuses help turn attention away from the crisis of global capitalism among more privileged sectors of the working class and convert immigrant workers into scapegoats for the crisis, thus deflecting attention from the root causes of the crisis and undermining working class unity. This article focuses on structural and historical underpinnings of the phenomenon of immigrant labor in the new global capitalist system and on how the rise of a globally integrated production and financial system, a transnational capitalist class, and transnational state apparatuses, have led to a reorganization of the world market in labor, including deeper reliance on a rapidly expanding reserve army of immigrant labor and a vicious new anti-immigrant politics. It looks at the United States as an illustration of the larger worldwide situation with regard to immigration and immigrant justice. Finally, it explores the rise of an immigrant justice movement around the world, observes the leading role that immigrant workers often play in worker’s struggles and that a mass immigrant rights movement is at the cutting edge of the struggle against transnational corporate exploitation. We call for replacing the whole concept of national citizenship with that of global citizenship as the only rallying cry that can assure justice and equality for all.

Concepções de formação profissional técnica de nível médio adotadas pelo IFRN: especificidades e (des)continuidades

The thesis deals with the concepts of technical tra ining of middle level adopted by the Federal Institute of Education, Science and Technology of R io Grande do Norte (IFRN). Discusses these concepts from the four political-pedagogical projects built in the period 1970 to 2010, spanning three institutionalities: Federal Technica l School of Rio Grande do Norte (1970- 1998), Federal Center of Technological Education of Rio Grande do Norte (1999-2008) and IFRN (from 2008) as well as three important politic al contexts of the country: Civil-Military Dictatorship, New Republic and Period of neoliberal ideas in Brazil. The goal is to analyze the configuration of the conceptions of training adopte d in the political-pedagogical projects IFRN, with emphasis on the specificities and (dis) contin uities, placing them in the context of political, economic and educational change in development in t he country. Addresses the relationship work, education and human development in capitalist society, in order to grasp the concept of employee training engendered by that company as wel l as the possibility of a counter- hegemonic formation. We analyze the formation of mi d-level concepts outlined in the educational reforms implemented in the country. We investigate the concepts of training outlined in the political-pedagogical projects IFRN . Makes use of the historical-dialectical materialism, the literature review, the documentary research and interviews were conducted with subjects who participated in the working group coordinator of the drafting of the political- institutional educational projects. The results sho w that the training of workers in capitalist society has a unilateral character; that the traini ng required by the working class is the omnilateral training; that the formative ideas that permeated the educational reforms in the country between 1970 and 2010 were all envisaged by unilateral training; that, in certain contexts, conceptions of technical training medium level outlined in the political-pedagogical projects IFRN reflect the formative perspectives th at guide educational reforms in the country (unilateral training) and, at other times, the inst itution adopts concepts (training omnilateral) that are not consistent with such prospects; and th at between the political-pedagogical projects built from 1970 to 2010 there are more continuities than breaks in relation to the concepts of training adopted. We conclude that the challenge is to institutionalize the IFRN their educational actions omnilateral designing training undertaken in the political-pedagogical project 2009.

A céu aberto: garimpando a memória e a identidade dos mineradores de Brejuí

The Brejuí Mine, situated in the municipality of Currais Novos (RN), was responsible for the local economy growth between the years of 1943 and 1990, causing the interest of miner's working class to its urban center. After the end of scheelita extraction, the mine became a "theme park", in 2004. The company left its mark on the city by building several monuments in reference to the mining activity and the company's founder, Tomaz Salustino. However, there are no written records that describe such activities on its early years, nor their pioneers in the mining subject. Therefore, it is important to investigate the miner’s memories and ask if, along the more than five decades that lasted the heyday of mining, an identity linked to the profession was built; the extent to which workers make reference to this history as membersand what are the symbols that are being triggered in the development of a working class identity. Further, I investigate what memory was mad concerning the pioneers, mostly farmers attracted by miner work. To do so, I make use of audiovisual archival resources and oral records of the interlocutors that were filmed in the preparations of the documentary “Lembranças de velhos garimpeiros". We have noticed that, in the script of the official history of the Brejuí Mine, the "boss" figure overlaps the workers and that the forms patronage, originated from the rural world, followed punctuating the social relations in the mine. Today, with the resumption of the mining activity, it is possible that the strengthening of the working class and the Seridó miner identity desire reborn.

Violência contra mulher: expressões da opressão às mulheres sob a égide do capitalismo e do patriarcado

This dissertation is the result of a research process that sought , from the speech of women in situations of violence , examine the difficulties these women to access the "network " of assistance to women victims of violence in the city of Natal/RN . Therefore , we made a critical analysis from the perspective of totality on the processual ontological " being a woman " and " be a man " , articulating the determinations of the subjective and objective dimensions in the lives of women at this juncture . Thus , also reflecting on the system of oppression of women through Capitalism / Patriarchate , articulated with other determinations of reality , as race / ethnicity , sexual orientation , generation and territoriality . Because of the oppression of women in all aspects of social life , the feminist movement led to the public domain claims against the oppressions of women and fight for Public Social Policies that aim to the particularities of women , among them, the social policies of coping violence against women . The speeches of the women interviewed show the contradictory aspect of work in women's lives . On the one hand , can become a means to financial independence ( with the possibility of exit from violent means). On the other , it can become "cause " of justification for the exercise of violence against women by their partners or former partners . Also show that despite legal advances , there is no effective implementation of policies aimed at women . This occurs as a result of capitalism / patriarchy and the context of neoliberal management of big capital . Thus , the feminist movement , as well as the social movement of the working class , must seek the empowerment of women through the struggle to end all forms of oppression , exploitation and domination among humans.

Da voz que cala ao corpo que fala: o assédio moral no ambiente de trabalho como desafio para o serviço social

The changes ocurred in the world of capitalist labor, especially from the last decades of the 20th century, accentuated the process of manipulation and domination of the working class, materialized mainly through naturalization and / or trivialization of violence, conducted in the work environment. From this process, emerge the elements of bullying, that is, the embarrassing and humiliating practices which extend through time, degrading human race, and becoming fruitful object for study, debate and the intervention of the professionals of the Social Service area. Thus, we assume the perspective of analyzing the concepts and the work of social workers, whom work at people management area before the bullying in the workplace. We propose the following objectives: apprehend the settings of bullying, in the contemporary context of competitiveness and flexibility of work, as well as its implications for workers' health; characterize the background of this expression of violence at work in the municipality of Natal- RN; and analyze the powers and duties of the social worker in the process of prevention, identification and addressing of bullying in the context of work. This study consisted of a qualitative approach, based on the dialectical-critical method as soon as we adopt methodological procedures such as: theoretical knowledge, documental and field research, and performed using semi-structured interviews. The subjects of this research were nine (09) the Social Service professionals working in personnel management area, in five (5) institutions with legal and branches of different activities, located in Natal-RN. Even interviewed one (01) representative of the Public Ministry of Rio Grande do Norte Office (MPT-RN). The findings of this analysis indicate that bullying is a contemporary expression of "social question", which is presented as a demand for the Social-assistants – covered up and / or camuflage – under the guise of problems related to workers' health or mere conflicts of interpersonal relationships, that is, without any causal connection with the organization of work. The fear of losing job, not to be inserted in the labor market, and / or suffering reprisals, deepens the subject levels of the victims of bullying. Hence the importance of Social Workers are capable to understand the social reality, by preventing and combating the elements of bullying.

No fio da meada: um estudo acerca da precarização do trabalho na indústria têxtil

In line with the process of financialization and globalization of capital, which has intensified in all latitudes of the globe, the world of work is permeated by his determinations arising and also has been (re) setting from numerous changes expressed by example, in the unbridled expansion of temporary forms of work activities, and flexible outsourced by the growth of informality, forming a new morphology of work. However, regardless of how these forms are expressed in concrete materiality, there is something that unifies: all of them are marked by exponentiation of insecurity and hence the numerous negative effects on the lives of individuals who need to sell their labor power to survive. Given this premise, the present work is devoted to study, within the framework of the Brazilian particularities of transition between Fordism and Toyotism, what we call composite settings of the conditions and labor relations processed within the North river- textile industry Grande. To this end, guided by historical and dialectical materialism, we made use of social research in its qualitative aspect, using semi-structured interviews, in addition to literature review, information retrieval and use of field notes. From our raids, we note that between the time span stretching from the 1990s to the current year, the Natal textile industry has been undergoing a process of successive and intense changes in their modus operandi, geared specifically to the organization and labor management causing, concomitantly, several repercussions for the entire working class.

No fio da meada: um estudo acerca da precarização do trabalho na indústria têxtil

In line with the process of financialization and globalization of capital, which has intensified in all latitudes of the globe, the world of work is permeated by his determinations arising and also has been (re) setting from numerous changes expressed by example, in the unbridled expansion of temporary forms of work activities, and flexible outsourced by the growth of informality, forming a new morphology of work. However, regardless of how these forms are expressed in concrete materiality, there is something that unifies: all of them are marked by exponentiation of insecurity and hence the numerous negative effects on the lives of individuals who need to sell their labor power to survive. Given this premise, the present work is devoted to study, within the framework of the Brazilian particularities of transition between Fordism and Toyotism, what we call composite settings of the conditions and labor relations processed within the North river- textile industry Grande. To this end, guided by historical and dialectical materialism, we made use of social research in its qualitative aspect, using semi-structured interviews, in addition to literature review, information retrieval and use of field notes. From our raids, we note that between the time span stretching from the 1990s to the current year, the Natal textile industry has been undergoing a process of successive and intense changes in their modus operandi, geared specifically to the organization and labor management causing, concomitantly, several repercussions for the entire working class.

O comportamento eleitoral da nova classe trabalhadora no Rio Grande do Norte 2014: ideologia, avaliação de governo e voto

This thesis investigates the voting behavior of the fractions of the new working class in Rio Grande do Norte, more specifically in the cities of Natal, Mossoró and Caicó, from the presidential election of 2014. This research examined the ideology, the evaluation of government and guidance the vote of a portion of the working classes of RN voters. In Brazil, from 2003, socio-economic change has occurred perceptibly, especially in a part of the working classes who ascended socially and switched to the "C economic class." Thus, there was this period, a significant expansion of this social stratum. The expansion of the "class C" in the past decade in Brazil raised the academic debate and in the media about the emergence of a "new middle class". Neri (2008) termed the "class C" of the "new middle class" and that will be the central part of their studies. But the debate on the "new middle class" can not be simplistic to the point of considering that social mobility, the main variable income, entered this segment of the population in the middle class, because it has different specificities of the popular classes. To understand this phenomenon, the income variable was outdated, adding the importance of ownership of the means of production, control of labor power and the symbolic values in the division of social classes resulting in three fractions of the new working class: the management positions, non-heads and small fighters. In this study, using as a complement to the sociological approach (ideologies and social classes) and the performance evaluation was identified that the new working class (heads) mainly reproduced the ideological and political positioning of the middle class, resulting in the rejection of PT governments (2003-2014) and it’s social, compensatory and redistributive policies. From what has been seen, the new working class (chiefs) approaches the ideological and political behavior of the middle class that will reflect in their electoral choices and class interests. The new working class (not heads and small fighters who voted in the situation) because of its classist and ideological interests approached the Workers' Party positively evaluating the Lula-Dilma governments (2003-2014) due to the implementation of compensatory policies, and redistributive programs government turned to the popular classes. In a counterpoint, the voters of the new working class (not heads and small fighters) who voted null, reproduced the discourse of mainstream media and the middle class about the rejection of compensatory policies, redistribution and government programs of Lula-Dilma governments, and consequently they disapproved of the government Dilma and her candidacy.

Do trabalho de Deus... Adeus ao trabalho? Ontologia, precarização, controle do trabalho e fetichismo em A caverna de José Saramago

The aim of this study is to undertake a theoretical analysis of the literary and sociological Cave, Jose Saramago, having as main theme the precariousness of work and control, followed by some key developments. Anchored in the sociology of work and endorsed by the sociology of literature methodologically by Antonio Candido, and guided by the narrative Saramago in the cave, seeking to understand the work activity as central and essential to the production and reproduction of material life. It discusses the precariousness of work, as well as the historical forms of ownership and control of labor activity. Scales the impact of large corporations that control and the conflict between mechanized and manual labor in the process, questioning the nefarious effects of the restructuring of the productive working class, especially on small businesses and craft work. It also addresses the rise of a category gestorial in the process of labor control throughout history Finally, invoking the metaphor of Plato\'s cave in this work Saramago, explores how labor control by large corporations causes the estrangement in all dimensions of life, establishing relationships between fetishism, consumer relations and sociability.

"I’m complicit and I’m ambivalent and that’s crazy":care-less spaces for women in the academy

This paper is about three working class women academics in their 40s, who are at different phases in their career. I take a reflexive, feminist, (Reay 2000, 2004, Ribbens and Edwards 1998) life story approach (Plummer, 2001) in order to understand their particular narratives about identity, complicity, relationships and discomfort within the academy, and then how they inhabit care-less spaces. However unique their narratives, I am able to explore an aspect of higher education – women and their working relationships – through a lens of care-less spaces, and argue that care-less-ness in the academy, can create and reproduce animosity and collusion. Notably, this is damaging for intellectual pursuits, knowledge production and markedly, the identity of woman academics. In introducing this work, I first contextualise women in the academy and define the term care-less spaces, then move onto discuss feminist methods. I then explore and critique in some detail, the substantive findings under the headings of ‘complicity and ‘faking’ it’ and ‘publishing and collaboration’. The final section concludes the paper by drawing on Herring’s (2013) legal premise, in the context of care ethics, as a way to interrogate particular care-less spaces within higher education.

La escuela con los pies en el aire. Hacer escuela, entre la desigualdad y la emancipación

El propósito de este trabajo de investigación es relevar la experiencia de una escuela pública del distrito de La Matanza, en el conurbano bonaerense. Esta institución enclavada en una zona popular, Villa Scasso, fue creada hace trece años y atiende a una población infantil y juvenil de educación especial. El motivo de la investigación no se centra en la especificidad de este campo educativo sino en el proceso de construcción de una propuesta pedagógica que tensiona las formas escolares, amplía las fronteras educativas y transforma el tiempo y el espacio escolar. La atención de la presente indagación está puesta en problematizar la relación de la educación con la desigualdad y la igualdad, con el objetivo de abrir nuevos interrogantes sobre el carácter de determinación que se le otorga a la pobreza, la marginalidad y la exclusión en el terreno educativo, en particular en su relación con las escuelas de sectores populares. Las infancias populares acceden a circuitos de escolarización diferenciados, pero su carácter reproductor y/o emancipador configura un discurso que no se clausura a priori. Esta tesis doctoral abre interrogantes sobre esta problemática y documenta una experiencia educativa que "hace escuela" de manera "especial"

Formación de cuadros y frentes populares : Relaciones de clase y género en el Partido Comunista de Argentina, 1935-1951

Este artículo se enfoca en el estudio del período que corre entre 1935 y 1951 para destacar una de las empresas más importantes del PC a nivel mundial, con substanciales réditos en Argentina: la organización de las mujeres. En particular, nuestro interrogante es de qué modo un partido tradicionalmente considerado de estructuración directa y unitaria, profesional, eminentemente concentrado en la línea de formación ideológica por sobre la electoral, caracterizado por un perfil obrero y fuerte en términos de organización administrativa interna -particularmente, debido a su característica celular-, encuentra límites a esa propia caracterización organizacional en tanto delinea una política de intervención coyuntural que lo coloca en alianzas con otros actores y modifica, con ello, sus propios caracteres. El corpus documental de esta investigación incluye documentos y prensa partidaria (comunista y de otras agrupaciones políticas o sociales); archivos personales, autobiografías y entrevistas. La codificación permitió un ordenamiento de los datos extraídos de los documentos relevados, agrupándolos, según similitudes o diferencias relevantes en categorías que hicieron posible su análisis