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Motion for a Resolution tabled by the following Members: van Aerssen, Adonnino, Aigner, Alber, Albers, von Alemann, Almirante, Ansquer, Antoniozzi, Arndt, Baduel-Glorioso, Bangemann, Barbagli, Barbi, Battersby, Baudis, Berkhouwer, Bersani, Lord Bethell, Bettiza, Beumer, Beyer de Ryke, von Bismarck, Bocklet, Bombard, Bonaccini, Boot, Bord, Bournias, Boyes, Brok, Calvez, Cerettoni Romagnoli, Casanmagnano-Cerretti, Sir Fred Catherwood, Cecovini, Chanterie, Clinton, Colleselli, Collins, Collomb, Costanzo, Couste, Cronin, Croux, Curry, Dalsass, D'Angelosante, Davern, De Gucht, Delatte, Del Duca, Deleau, Delorozoy, Deschamps, Diana, Diligent, Lord Douro, Dury, Eisma, Lady Elles, Enright, Estgen, Ewing, Fellermaier, Fergusson, de Ferranti, Ferrero, Ferri, Fich, Filippi, Fischbach, Flanagan, Focke, Franz, Ingo Friedrich, Fruh, Karl Fuchs, Fuillet, Gabert, Gaiotti de Biase, Gallacher, Awronski, Gerokostopoulos, Geursten, Ghergo, Giavazzi, Glinne, de Goede, Gontikas, Goppel, Gouthier, Gredal, Haagerup, Habsburg, Hansch, Hahn, Lord Harmar-Nicholls, von Hassel, Helms, Herklotz, Herman, van den Heuvel, Hoff, K.H. Hoffmann, Hooper, Hopper, Hord, Hume, Ippolito, Irmer, Israel, Robert Jackson, Jakobsen, Janssen van Raay, Johnson, Jonker, Jurgens, Kallias, Kaloyannis, Katzer, Kazazis, Kellett-Bowman, M. Elaine Kellett-Bowman, Key, Klepsch, Klinkenborg, Kuhn, Lagakos, Langes, Lecanuet, Lega, Lemmer, Lentz-Cornette, Lenz, Leonardi, Ligios, Louwes, Lucker, Luster, Macario, McCartin, Maher, Maij-Weggen, Majonica, Malangre, de la Malene, Marck, Mart, Simone Martin, Mertens, Michel, van Minnen, Modiano, Moller, Mommersteeg, Moorhouse, Jacques Moreau, Moreland, Mouchel, Muller-Hermann, Muntingh, Narducci, Newton Dunn, J.B. Nielsen, Calliopi Nikolaou, Konstantinos Nikolaou, Nord, Normanton, Notenboom, Nyborg, O'Donnel, Lord O'Hagan, d'Ormesson, Paisley, Pennella, Papaefstratiou, Patterson, Paulhan, Pauwelyn, Decaestecker, Pearce, Pedini, Pelikan, Penders, Pery, Pesmazoglou, Peters, Pfennig, Pflimlin, Phlix, Plaskovitis, Pottering, Poniatowski, Price, Protopapadakis, Pruvot, Purvis, Rabbethge, Sir Brandon Rhys Williams, Rieger, Rinsche, Ripa di Meana, Roberts, Rogalla, Rogers, Ruffolo, Rumor, Ryan, Salzer, Sassano, Prinz Sayn Wittgenstein-Berleburg, Schall, Schieler, Schinzel, Schleicher, Schmid, Schnitker, Karl Schon, Konrad Schon, Schwencke, Sir James Scott-Hopkins, Scrivener, Seal, Seefeld, Seeler, Segre, Seibel-Emmerling, Seitlinger, Seligmann, Sherlock, Sieglerschmidt, Simmonds, Simonnet, Simpson, Spencer, Spicer, Spinelli, Squarcialupi, Stella, Sir John Stewart-Clark, Sutra, Tolman, Travaglini, Tuckman, Turner, Tyrrell, Vandewiele, Sir Peter Vanneck, van Rompuy, Vergeer, Veronesi, Verroken, Vetter, von der Vring, Walz, Sir Fred Warner, Wawrzik, Weber, Wedekind, Welsh, Wieczorek-Zeul, von Wogau and Zecchino, pursuant to Rule 47 of the Rules of Procedure on the foundation of a Euro-Arab University for postgraduate students at one of the traditional meeting places of Islamic and European culture on Spanish Soil, Working Documents 1982-1983, Document 1-515/82, 16 July 1982

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Since June 2014, Islamic State (IS) has been regarded as the principal security threat in the Middle East and one of the most important problems for European and global security. Islamic State, which for many years was just one of many terror organisations with links to al-Qaeda, has succeeded in achieving much more than other similar organisations: it has taken over control of large swathes of territory in Syria and Iraq by military means, created its own para-state structures in that area, and become the greatest civilisational challenge for the region in a century as it established a self-proclaimed caliphate and credibly pledged to expand further on a global scale. Those successes have been accompanied by widely publicised acts of systemic brutality which meets the definition of crimes against humanity. One outcome of these developments is the emergence of an exotic informal alliance to combatthe Islamic State, which has brought together all the states from the Middle East and many from beyond the region. However, contrary to what could have been predicted, after almost a year of the declared war against IS, the Caliphate still holds most of the ground it gained in 2014.

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Romania and Moldova have developed very strong ties, resulting mainly from many years of common history (including joint statehood), language and cultural heritage. On the one hand, this closeness fosters bilateral relations, but on the other hand it places a serious burden upon them. This is because Moldovan statehood and identity has in some way been built in opposition to Romanian statehood and identity. Part of Moldovan society (especially the Russian-speaking minority) fears closer cooperation with Bucharest, seeing it as threatening a loss of independence and the declaration of unification with its western neighbour. Historic sentiment is also reflected in Bucharest’s policy towards Moldova. Officially, relations with Chisinau are considered as exceptional, and representatives of the Romanian political class are full of declarations of assistance and support for their eastern neighbour, appealing to the national, cultural and linguistic community. In practice, however, Romanian policy towards Moldova (and hence also the two countries’ bilateral relations) is most often shaped not by sentiment but by political pragmatism, resulting among others from a desire to win the support of the Romanian electorate.