School funding and education policy-making models in Ontario /

The purpose of this thesis is to examine various policy implementation models, and to determine what use they are to a government. In order to insure that governmental proposals are created and exercised in an effective manner, there roust be some guidelines in place which will assist in resolving difficult situations. All governments face the challenge of responding to public demand, by delivering the type of policy responses that will attempt to answer those demands. The problem for those people in positions of policy-making responsibility is to balance the competitive forces that would influence policy. This thesis examines provincial government policy in two unique cases. The first is the revolutionary recommendations brought forth in the Hall -Dennis Report. The second is the question of extending full -funding to the end of high school in the separate school system. These two cases illustrate how divergent and problematic the policy-making duties of any government may be. In order to respond to these political challenges decision-makers must have a clear understanding of what they are attempting to do. They must also have an assortment of policy-making models that will insure a policy response effectively deals with the issue under examination. A government must make every effort to insure that all policymaking methods are considered, and that the data gathered is inserted into the most appropriate model. Currently, there is considerable debate over the benefits of the progressive individualistic education approach as proposed by the Hall -Dennis Committee. This debate is usually intensified during periods of economic uncertainty. Periodically, the province will also experience brief yet equally intense debate on the question of separate school funding. At one level, this debate centres around the efficiency of maintaining two parallel education systems, but the debate frequently has undertones of the religious animosity common in Ontario's history. As a result of the two policy cases under study we may ask ourselves these questions: a) did the policies in question improve the general quality of life in the province? and b) did the policies unite the province? In the cases of educational instruction and finance the debate is ongoing and unsettling. Currently, there is a widespread belief that provincial students at the elementary and secondary levels of education are not being educated adequately to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century. The perceived culprit is individual education which sees students progressing through the system at their own pace and not meeting adequate education standards. The question of the finance of Catholic education occasionally rears its head in a painful fashion within the province. Some public school supporters tend to take extension as a personal religious defeat, rather than an opportunity to demonstrate that educational diversity can be accommodated within Canada's most populated province. This thesis is an attempt to analyze how successful provincial policy-implementation models were in answering public demand. A majority of the public did not demand additional separate school funding, yet it was put into place. The same majority did insist on an examination of educational methods, and the government did put changes in place. It will also demonstrate how policy if wisely created may spread additional benefits to the public at large. Catholic students currently enjoy a much improved financial contribution from the province, yet these additional funds were taken from somewhere. The public system had it funds reduced with what would appear to be minimal impact. This impact indicates that government policy is still sensitive to the strongly held convictions of those people in opposition to a given policy.

Measurement of forces between and within bilayers of neutral phospholipids

Phospholipids in water form lamellar phases made up of alternating layers of water and bimolecular lipid leaflets. Three complementary methods, osmotic, mechanical, and vapour pressures, were used to measure the work of removing water from lamellar phases composed of frozen dipalmitoylphosphatidylcholine ( DPPC ), melted DPPC, egg phosphatidylethanolamine or equimolar mixtures of DPPC and cholesterol ( DPPC/CHOL ), Concurrently the structural changes that resulted from this water removal were measured using X-ray diffraction. The work was divided into that which forces the bilayers together ( F ) and that which compresses the molecules together within the bilayers ( F )# A large repulsive force exists between bilayers composed of each of the lipids studied and this force increases exponentially as bilayer separation is decreased. F is affected by the nature of the head groups, conformation of the acyl chains and heterogeneity of these chains. In general all of the melted phosphatidylcholines ( melted DPPC, egg lecithin and DPPC/CHOL ) have large equilibrium separations in excess water resulting from large repulsive hydration forces between these bilayers. By comparison, egg PE has an increased attractive force, and frozen DPPC has a decreased hydration force; each results in smaller separations in water for these two lipids. The chemical potentials of the water between the bilayers for all these lipids lie on a continuum, indicating that interbilayer water cannot be characterized by two discrete states, usually referred to as "bound" or "non**bound". For all lipids studied a maximum of 25 % of the total work done on the system goes into deforming the bilayers. The method used here viii to separate repulsion from deformation, developed for us by v. A. Parsegian, provides a unique method for the measurement of lateral pressure of a bilayer and its modulus of deformability ( Y ). Lateral pressure is affected by the nature of the head group, conformation and heterogeneity of the acyl chains. For small changes in molecular surface area ( A ) near equilibrium, both melted and frozen DPPC have similar values for the deformability modulus. Thus in this regime it requires about the same force to change the angle of tilt of frozen chains as it does to compress the fluid bilayer. The introduction of cholesterol into bilayers of DPPC reduces dramatically the lateral pressure of the bilayers over a large range of molecular surface areas ( A ). The variation in the magnitude of bilayer repulsion with different phospholipids provides a basis for the mechanism of lipid segregation in mixed lipid systems and suggests that interacting heterogeneous membranes may influence or modulate the composition of the opposing membrane. The measurements of deformabilities of bilayers provides a direct comparison of them with the properties of monolayers.

Measurement of repulsive forces between charged phospholipid bilayers

Electrostatic forces between membranes containing charged lipids were assumed to play an important role in influencing interactions between membranes long before quantitative measurements of such forces were available. ~ur measurements were designed to measure electrostatic forces between layers of lecithin charged with lipi~s carrying ionizable head groups. These experiments have shown that the interactions between charged lipid bila.yere are dominated by electrostatic forces only at separations greater than 30 A. At smaller separations the repulsion between charged bilayers is dominated by strong hydration forces. The net repulsive force between egg lecithin bilayers containing various amounts of cherged lipids (phosphatidylglycerol (PG) 5,10 ano 50 mole%, phosphatidyli. nosi tol (PI) 10 mole% and sodium oleate (Na-Ol) 3,5 and 10 mole%, where mole% gives the ratio of the number of moles' of .charged lipid to the total number of moles of all lipids present in the sample) was stuoied with the help ('If the osmotic streas technique described by LeNeveu et aI, (1977). Also, the forces between pure PG were j_nvestigated in the same manner. The results have been plotted showing variation of force as a function of bilay- _ er separation dw• All curVes 90 obtained called force curves, were found to be similar in sha.pe, showing two distinct regions, one when dw<.30 A is a region cf very rapid iiivariation of force with separation ( it is the region dominated by hydre,tion force) and second when dw> 40 A is a region of very slow variation of force with separB.tion ( it is the region dominated by the electrostatic force). Between these two regions there exists a transition area in which, in most systems studied, a phase separation of lipids into fractions containing different amounts of charged groups, was observed. A qualitative analysis showed that our results were v/ell described by the simple electrostatic double -le.yer theory. For quantitative agreement between measured and calculated force curves however, the charge density for the calculations had to be taken as half of that given by the number density of charged lipids present in the lecithin bilayers. It is not clear at the moment what causes such low apparent degree of ionization among the charged head groups, and further study is needed in this area.

Report of the Committee appointed to inquire into the Present condition and distribution of the flags, standards and colors, which have been taken by the forces of the United States from their enemies, and whether it would be expedient to make any provision in relation to them.--

Adam Seybet, Chairman.

The Flags, Standards and Colors Taken by the Forces of the United States

Full Title: Report of the Committee appointed to inquire into the Present condition and distribution of the flags, standards and colors, which have been taken by the forces of the United States from their enemies, and whether it would be expedient to make any provision in relation to them Adam Seybet, Chairman. Exhibit folded at end of text. February 4, 1814. Read, and committed to a committee of the whole House on Monday next. Printed by A and G Way

H.A.S. Dearborn letter, May 29, 1812

H.A.S. (Henry Alexander Scammell) Dearborn (1783-1851) was the son of Henry Dearborn, the American politician and veteran of the Revolutionary War and War of 1812. In the War of 1812, H.A.S Dearborn served as Brigadier General of the volunteer forces, responsible for the defence of Boston Harbour. From 1812-1829 he was collector of customs in Boston, from 1831-1833 he served as a representative from Massachusetts in the United States Congress, was adjutant general of Massachusetts from 1834-1843 and mayor of Roxbury from 1847-1851. Letter transcription: Dear Sir, My success in the line of recruiting has exceeded my most sanguine expectations. I have enlisted 24 1st Lt. 30—my 2nd Lt. 13, and my Ensign 9—Total 76. All very [ablebodied] men. In all probability my company will be full before the last day of June. I shall be in Boston on the 10th of June. I have not yet had the pleasure to hear of the arrival of your father at Boston. Please to offer my respects to your family, and to all my friends in the [office]. In haste, Yours, A.M. Clary.

Power of Attorney of Colonel John Butler for Robert Hamilton and Robert Addison, January 4,1797

John Butler (1728-1796) was originally from Connecticut but settled with his family in the Mohawk valley of New York around 1742. His father was a Captain in the British army and well acquainted with William Johnson (superintendent of Northern Indians). Butler impressed Johnson with his aptitude for Indian languages and diplomacy. He began to work with Johnson in 1755, and received several promotions in the department, until his apparent retirement in the early 1770s. At the onset of the Revolutionary War in 1775, Butler relocated to Canada to join the British forces, settling in Niagara. During the War, Butler was instrumental in maintaining the alliance with the Indians. After the War, Butler became prominent in local affairs in Niagara, but failed to secure any important offices when the province of Upper Canada was formed in 1792. In an effort to recoup some of the financial losses his family suffered during the War, Butler illegally attempted to supply trade goods to the Indian department with his son Andrew, his nephew Walter Butler Sheehan, and Samuel Street, a Niagara merchant.

Interrogation of Prisoner - Heaquarters 1st Division, American Expeditionary Forces, 27 May 1918

A prisoner interrogation report dated 27 May 1918. The report reads: "I. PRISONER X. 1st. Battalion, 272 Res. Rogt., 82d Res. 1. CIRCUMSTANCES OF CAPTURE; Captured, while attempting to raid our trenches, at point 1719 at about 7A.M. 2. INFORMATION OBTAINED FROM PRISONER (a) Between point 1814 and point 175242 the German trenches appear to be held by three companies, each numbering 3 platoons, each platoon numbering about 40 men. Each company has 4 light machine guns in the first lines, these machine guns distributed along the first trench (one of them in particular is located at bond in hostile trench at point 17215 and another at about 17245. Each company, furthermore, has one platoon (weak in numbers) in support in the ravine north of Cantigny. These platoons are in dugouts dug into the side of the hill approximately between points 28215 and 2223. Each of these support platoons has two light machine guns at its disposal. Company commanders dugout is at some point along the line of dugouts occupied by the support platoons. Another company commander's dugout (Co.3) is at point 1815 about 15 meters behind the German trench which runs along the edge of the town of Cantigny. There is a communication trench between the cemetery at 2018 and the front line at 18179. It is believed that there is a machine gun at point 17245 kept in a dugout dug under the road. The reserve battalion is believed to be at a fairly great distance from the front (near Bouillancourt). The prisoner, on the other hand, states that it may have been moved up."

Canadian Military Institute: Officers of the British Forces in Canada during the War of 1812-1815

There is a note in the front cover written to Mary from B. Johnston on April 22, 1942. He refers to page 73 of the book in which William Woodruff is listed as a Lieutenant and Richard Woodruff is listed as an Ensign in the Niagara District. A full text version is available at the following link: http://www.archive.org/details/officersbritish00instgoog

Le contrôle du Conseil de sécurité en matière d'occupation impliquant ses membres permanents

Le Conseil de sécurité est l’organe principal du système onusien chargé du maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Face à une situation illégale, il ne peut donc l’ignorer et s’en désintéresser. Cependant, la perpétration d’un acte à la légalité controversée par l’un ou plusieurs de ses membres permanents peut nous laisser entendre que l’organe politique onusien aura des difficultés à remplir son rôle. Les membres permanents vont tenter d’instrumentaliser le Conseil de sécurité afin de diminuer l’illégalité de la situation. Ceci pose avec acuité le problème du contrôle de son activité en matière de maintien de la paix. L’accomplissement d’un acte illégal par un ou plusieurs membres permanents du Conseil de sécurité nécessite alors de réfléchir à des moyens d’ordre juridique pour limiter son pouvoir. Cette réflexion s’avère particulièrement pressante lorsque le Conseil est confronté à une occupation de guerre impliquant ses membres permanents ou, lorsqu’il crée ou autorise des opérations de paix de grandes envergures suite à un conflit armé impliquant ses membres permanents. Afin de limiter les prérogatives du Conseil de sécurité, le régime juridique de l’occupation tel qu’énoncé par le Règlement de La Haye (IV) de 1907 et la IVe Convention de Genève de 1949 devrait être appliquer par l’organe politique onusien lorsqu’il intervient dans une situation d’occupation de guerre impliquant ses membres permanents. L’objectif est d’éviter qu’il n’attribue aux puissances occupantes des missions qui dépassent le cadre juridique imposé par le droit des conflits armés. L’autorisation, par le Conseil de sécurité d’opérations de paix, telles qu’une administration civile transitoire ou une force multinationale avec un mandat de la paix avec recours à la force armée, suite à un conflit armé impliquant ses propres membres permanents, ouvre le débat sur leur réglementation. Alors, il sera proposé une interprétation progressiste de la définition de l’occupation telle qu’énoncée par le Règlement de La Haye (IV) de 1907 et la IVe Convention de Genève de 1949 afin d’y intégrer ces nouvelles formes d’occupations pacifiques, présentant de grandes similitudes avec les occupations de guerre. Ainsi, le régime juridique de l’occupation pourra leur être appliqué.

Turbulences et changements institutionnels au sein de la Société internationale : une perspective historique

Turbulences et changements institutionnels au sein de la Société internationale : une perspective historique Cette recherche puise ses origines du constat que la présente société internationale apparaît plus que jamais mal outillée et en perte de légitimité pour gérer les nouveaux déséquilibres qui ébranlent sa sécurité. Nous voulons vérifier si les présentes difficultés à gérer l’ordre interétatique sont des signes précurseurs d’une période de turbulences systémiques qui ébranleraient ses fondations. Nous avançons comme principale hypothèse de recherche qu’une perte de légitimité dans les mécanismes d’ordre d’une société westphalienne engendre une période plus ou moins longue de turbulences systémiques, provoquant un retour à l’antihégémonie caractérisée par l’établissement d’un nouvel ordre sociétal. Pour vérifier cette hypothèse, nous nous associons au cadre théorique de l’École anglaise qui analyse les relations interétatiques en qualifiant le caractère de l’ordre qui les gouverne. Ses adeptes y parviennent en étudiant les forces qui engendrent le maintien d’un environnement international antihégémonique, ainsi que la nature des réciprocités interétatiques qui s’en dégage. Ainsi, en observant les diverses institutions créées pour gérer l’ordre, ils sont en mesure de mieux comprendre l’évolution, la diffusion et la pérennisation de l’établissement d’une société des États. Cette approche nous a permis de construire un modèle explicatif pour notre dynamique sociétale. Par la suite, afin de répondre à notre questionnement initial, nous proposons d’analyser le statut de diverses sociétés internationales lors d’époques caractérisées par une période systémique de grands chaos, suivie du retour d’un régime sociétal. Nous cherchons à établir si des analogies peuvent être faites sur leur processus de transformation pour, par la suite, vérifier si elles peuvent s’appliquer à la nature du changement qui s’opère dans la présente société internationale. L’analyse historique comparative s’avère un instrument tout désigné pour ce type de recherche. Les époques sélectionnées pour notre recherche couvrent la Guerre de Trente Ans, les Guerres napoléoniennes et la Première Guerre mondiale. La nature antihégémonique d’une société des États, en plus de maintenir un environnement anarchique, crée un climat de rivalités qui entraîne un processus de transformations dans la dynamique de l’ordre. Ce facteur de changement fut introduit sous le concept de progrès sociétal, lequel engendre une désuétude institutionnelle dans les mécanismes de l’ordre sociétal, pouvant entraîner une période de turbulences systémiques. Ainsi, pour mieux observer ce phénomène, nous avons adopté les institutions comme outils d’analyse. Elles nous permettent d’être plus critiques des phénomènes observés, tout en nous autorisant à les comparer entre elles, en raison de leur longévité. Nos recherches révèlent la pérennité d’une dynamique de transformation au sein des sociétés westphaliennes, dont la nature entraîne des déséquilibres sociétaux qui varient selon son intensité. Nous observons aussi que, malgré l’égalité légale que confère la souveraineté aux États, les Grandes puissances sont les principaux artisans d’un système international. Leur aptitude à l’unilatéralisme fut souvent associée à l’émergence de turbulences systémiques. Nos recherches montrent que l’interdépendance et la coopération interétatique sont aussi alimentées par la diffusion et le partage d’une économie libérale. C’est aussi cette même interdépendance qui, progressivement, rend la guerre entre Grandes puissances désuète. Plus l’interdépendance et le multilatéralisme s’intensifient dans un environnement sociétal, plus le progrès sociétal a tendance à se manifester sous les aspects d’une transformation systémique progressive (non violente) plutôt que révolutionnaire (période de turbulences systémiques). La présente société internationale est sous l’influence du progrès sociétal depuis son avènement. Sa stabilité est directement liée à la capacité de ses mécanismes d’ordre à contrer les déséquilibres que le progrès engendre, ainsi qu’à l’aptitude de ses Grandes puissances à limiter leur propension à l’unilatéralisme. Donc, ces mécanismes doivent pouvoir intégrer le progrès pour maintenir leur légitimité et éviter d’engendrer une période de turbulences systémiques.

Survivre à la violence organisée : parcours et témoignage de deux femmes rwandaises

Ce mémoire de maîtrise porte sur la survivance des femmes en contexte de violence organisée. Notre recherche s’appuie sur le témoignage de deux femmes rwandaises réfugiées au Canada dont le récit sera exploré afin de comprendre leurs points de vue sur trois dimensions de la survivance : la victimisation et la revictimisation qu’elles ont subi, les actes qu’elles ont pu poser pour survivre et le sens qu’elles ont donné aux situations vécues. D’abord, ces femmes rapportent qu’au-delà du génocide de 1994, elles ont vécu dans un climat d’insécurité, d’incertitude et d’impunité durant la guerre au Rwanda (1990-1994) et en exil, durant la guerre qui a visé le renversement de Mobutu, le massacre des ressortissants rwandais et le pillage des ressources naturelles par l’AFDL. Leurs récits confirment donc la continuité de la violence organisée d’un régime politique à un autre. De plus, les femmes témoignent de la non-reconnaissance de leur statut de réfugié par les bureaux qui traitent outre-mer les demandes d’asile, du traitement déshumanisant et accusateur des administrateurs de l’aide humanitaire et, de manière plus importante, de la non-reconnaissance des crimes commis par les forces armées du gouvernement actuellement au pouvoir au Rwanda et de leur impunité. Ensuite, les témoignages recueillis montrent des actrices sociales engagées dans l’activisme politique, l’action collective, la protection, la sécurité, la survie et l’établissement de leurs proches, du début du conflit jusqu’à leur arrivée au Canada. En effet, pour surmonter les difficultés engendrées par la violence organisée, elles ont mobilisé et transformé de manière créative toutes les ressources de leur capital humain, social et économique pour subvenir aux besoins de leurs proches et de leur communauté, et ce, tout au long de leur parcours migratoire. Enfin, au sujet du sens, nous verrons d’une part comment les femmes conçoivent leurs expériences individuelles de souffrances comme une histoire de victimisation collective, ce qui semble les aider à normaliser leurs expériences. D’autre part, nous verrons comment une identité de femmes fortes, résilientes et capables de s’adapter dans un climat d’adversité se dégage de leur témoignage, ce qui semble favoriser chez elles un sentiment de cohérence, de continuité et nourrir une certaine fierté.